A stuffed monkey found hanging by a noose Saturday at St. Louis Fire Department Firehouse 13 is connected to a pattern of harassment waged by a powerful member of Firefighters Local 73 against a black firefighter, according to the Firefighters Institute of Racial Equality.
The black firefighter, Romondo Battle, is stationed at Firehouse 13 (located at 1400 Shawmut in the city’s West End), where the monkey was found hanging.
His captain is Bruce Williams, a former president of Local 73 and member of the union’s powerful pension board who was disciplined in September 2002 for using the n-word while on-duty.
On September 21 of this year, Battle filed a complaint with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. It complains that Williams repeatedly has harassed Battle over whether or not he lives in the City of St. Louis, as City firefighters are required by law.It further claims that on August 24, Battle ordered a unit of firefighters from Firehouse 13 to break into Battle’s dwelling downtown on S. 10th Street.According to Battle’s complaint, Williams ordered firefighters to check Battle’s house because he had not reported to duty or called in sick.
However, Battle claimed he called in sick at 6:30 a.m. that day to Firehouse 28, where he was assigned on Aug. 24. According to Battle’s complaint and a neighbor’s eyewitness account, Williams had Battle’s dwelling entered (through an open window) at approximately 1 p.m., long after Battle was supposed to report to work - and responding in a truck from Firehouse 13, which is nowhere near Battle’s downtown dwelling.“To break into somebody’s house - after there was a change in policy not to do that when a firefighter calls in sick - is beyond me,” said Wayne Luster, vice chairman of FIRE.“And for it to be downtown - that’s way out of their responding area at Firehouse 13, which tells me (Williams) purposely was trying to see if Battle lived in the city of St. Louis.”Battle hails from East St. Louis. He or any City firefighter would face termination if discovered to be living elsewhere than St. Louis city.
On Tuesday Williams was transferred from Firehouse 13 to Firehouse 31, according to department officials. Firehouse 31 is a quiet, southern engine house often requested by older white firefighters.
Black firefighters also claimed that the apparent hanging of the stuffed monkey - which has notably long legs and arms, like the lanky Battle - is related to Battle’s filing a complaint against his captain, Williams, who previously was disciplined for making a public, racist remark.
FIRE also connected the incident to the atmosphere in the department left by the demotion of Fire Chief Sherman George (the city’s first and only black fire chief) and promotion of Battalion Chief Dennis Jenkerson, a white member of Local 73, to replace him.
“How did we get to this hanging noose in an Engine House? We believe that as a result of the removal of this City’s first African-American fire chief, an energized atmosphere of defiant intolerance has been created,” said Captain Abe Pruitt, also a vice chair of FIRE.
“Because Fire Chief Sherman George was successfully forced out against the wishes of most of St. Louis, some firefighters have come to believe that it is ‘open season’ on African-American firefighters.”Local 73’s current president, Chris Molitor, told KMOV Channel 4 that the monkey had been found at a fire site, taken back to the station and hung to dry out.“
That’s hard to believe,” said Luster of FIRE.The FBI is investigating the situation.Fire Chief Dennis Jenkerson said he had no further comment other than that the FBI was investigating “and that’s what they are paid to do.”
Jenkerson declined to comment on the alleged harassment of Battle by Williams.Public Safety Director Charles Bryson told KMOV that all members of Firehouse 13 are being interviewed.Bryson hinted during a television interview that he was concerned that the incident could be a hoax, similar to ones perpetrated by black firefighters in other cities. This comment came before any report on an investigation.Bryson also said the apparent noose was just a rope that is used to practice tying knots. Molitor said nothing of the knot-tying rope in several televised interviews.
Bryson is a black man promoted to George’s superior when George was facing a publicly announced deadline to make a contested set of promotions or he would be disciplined. On the day he was promoted, Bryson said he would enforce that deadline.Neither Bryson nor mayoral spokesman Ed Rhode have returned calls or emails to the American in more than a month.Molitor did not respond to a request for comment from the American.
FIRE is calling for the following actions in regard to the incident:-- A federal investigation and “a thorough investigation on this issue as (Mayor Francis G. Slay) did with the African-American testing company, Blockett and Associates.-- Punishment for all parties responsible and a written message to each engine house that these types of acts will not be tolerated.-- FIRE being involved in all discussions on how the Fire Department moves forward.“The use of a monkey, the use of a noose, the hanging, and the North Side location (of Firehouse 13) make the perpetrator’s message crystal clear - hate and intimidation directed at African Americans,” said Pruitt of FIRE.“We at FIRE have said time and time again, unless and until the issues of race are dealt with head-on, honestly and with the inclusion of all parties, we as a city will continue experience these types of crimes.
”‘Sound the trumpet’The black community’s reaction to Slay’s actions against George led to a meeting of clergy members in preparation for a rally on Dec. 30.“It will be a ‘sound the trumpet’ rally and we expect to attract several thousand people to protest the mayor’s handling of Fire Chief George,” said Pastor B.T. Rice of New Horizon 7th Day Christian Church and a member of Citizens to Support Fire Chief George.“The community is calling on us to act and act strongly.”Also as continuing evidence of his respect in the community, George has been invited to serve as honorary grand marshal for the 2008 Martin Luther King Jr. Parade to be held on January 21.
By Alvin A. Reid and Chris King Of the St. Louis American
Saturday, December 22, 2007
Tuesday, December 18, 2007
A YEAR LATER, FAMILY, ACTIVIST SEEK JUSTICE FOR SEAN BELL
NEW YORK (FinalCall.com) - A year after a deadly police shooting ignited community anger and raised questions about police conduct, activists, elected officials and the family of Sean Bell honored his memory and continued their appeal for justice.
Mr. Bell and two friends were victims of 50 shots fired by undercover police officers after leaving his bachelor party on Nov. 25, 2006.
Three officers indicted for the shooting –Michael Oliver and Gescard Isnora, who have pleaded not guilty to manslaughter and Marc Cooper, who pleaded not guilty to reckless endangerment—are scheduled to go on trial in February.
Police union officials and defense attorneys have said the officers believed Mr. Bell and his companions were headed to his car to retrieve a gun. No weapons were found at the scene.
“I want justice,” said Nicole Paultre Bell, the mother of Mr. Bell’s two young daughters, ages four and one, who legally took his name after his death. “I just keep asking myself, ‘Why does this have to be my children? Why me? Why do we have to be the ones to go through this?’ ” she told reporters.
“A lot of people felt that a year would temper the outrage,” Rev. Sharpton told the press, as hundreds gathered at the scene of the shooting in Queens. He vowed to stand with the family until it gets justice. The shooting sparked several protest marches, the largest led by the Rev. Sharpton and his National Action Network wound down New York city’s famed Fifth Avenue shortly before Christmas in 2006. Many demonstrators saw the shooting as symbolic of excessive force against Blacks in New York City.
This year activists called for Blacks to stay away from traditional shopping the day after Thanksgiving to add economic pressure to the demand for justice.
After pressure from the New York City Council, the New York Police Department commissioned the RAND Corp., a think tank, to look for ways to reduce the risk of “reflexive” or “contagious” shooting by its officers.
A week before the one-year anniversary of the Bell killing, however, NYPD officers in Brooklyn fired 20 shots at 18-year-old Khiel Coppin, who had been diagnosed with a mental condition, hitting him at least 13 times. He died at the scene.
New York City Public Advocate Betsy Gotbaum told reporters after the fifth and final hearing of a panel created after Mr. Bell’s shooting, known as the Tri-Level Legislative Task Force on Police Procedures, that “something is terribly wrong” with the way police conduct themselves.
“There’s a lack of kindness,” she said. Ms. Gotbaum’s daughter-in-law died in September while in police custody at Phoenix International Airport.
The panel, which includes state, city and federal elected officials, held its first hearing in January and concluded its work on the first anniversary of the shooting.
Ms. Gotbaum admitted the Bell shooting hit closer to home after her daughter-in-law’s death. “I was always interested in the panel, and I was interested in the issue because I represented people who have been affected by bad police behavior,” she said at the hearing, according to media reports.
The NYPD continues to argue it’s statistics show that officers are more restrained these days, claiming officers fired 540 shots in 2006, down 13 percent from 616 shots in 2005. In 1996, the total was 1,292 shots fired. The NYPD also reports nine people were killed by officers so far in 2007. In 2006, there were 13 fatal shootings, up from nine in 2005. In 1996, there were 30 deaths at the hands of police, according to the Associated Press.
A Quinnipiac university poll, taken after the killing of Khiel Coppin, showed 55 percent of New Yorkers approved of the way Police Commissioner Ray Kelly is performing his duties, 30 percent said they disapproved and 16 percent were undecided.
His approval rating was 52 percent after the killing of Sean Bell. Whites favor Mr. Kelly, with 70 percent saying they thought he was doing a good job, compared with 42 percent of Blacks and 36 percent of Latinos.
Police shootings aren’t the only target of community anger and scrutiny. Another reason the police department commissioned the RAND report was to counter complaints by Blacks and Latinos that NYPD’s stop and frisk policy was racist. Blacks comprised 53 percent of those stopped, 29 percent were Latinos and 11 percent White. More than 500,000 people were stopped for questioning in 2006, according to police department statistics.
While the study acknowledged that Blacks were stopped at a rate 50 percent greater than their representation in the census, RAND argued that using the census as a benchmark was unreliable because it didn’t factor in higher arrest rates. Critics say that 90 percent of those stops in 2006 did not lead to an arrest. RAND also argued that NYPD’s tactics were race-neutral.
The National Latino Officers Association of America told reporters the “study is comprised of endless excuses, and statistical justifications.”
“The report draws conclusions that have no basis in reality. If left unchallenged, it is the justification for racial profiling, abuse and discrimination,” said Anthony Miranda, a retired NYPD sergeant, and executive chairman of the National Latino Officers Association.
finalcall.com
Friday, December 14, 2007
BLACK LAW ENFORCEMENT SPEAK OUT AGAINST POLICE BRUTALITY, POLICE MISCONDUCT, AND RACISM ON WESTCHESTER N.Y. RADIO SHOW
On December 9, 2007, the President and Executive Director of the Westchester Chapter of the National Black Police Association (NBPA) were guests on the Final Call Radio Show on WVOX 1460 AM hosted by Brother Arthur Muhammad. The topic of the show centered around police brutality and misconduct, the December 7th 100 Positive Black Men Rally at Mt. Vernon High School and black men being responsible for today’s youth.
In studio with Brother Arthur was Damon K. Jones, Executive Director of the Westchester NBPA, and two Mt. Vernon High School students that attended the 100 positive black men rally. The Westchester NBPA President, Sterling Dixson, joined the discussion via phone.
Prompted by the Westchester NBPA’s partnership with the Yonkers’ NAACP to address the ongoing police brutality and misconduct in the Yonkers’ community, Brother Arthur asked Mr. Jones why the NBPA was offering its support.
“The NAACP has historically worked for the betterment of our community. As men, black men, we could not sit back and allow our sister, Karen Edmonson [the president of the Yonkers Chapter] to stand alone. The people of Westchester need to see that she has the support of the black law enforcement community” Mr. Jones said
President Dixson, a long time resident of Yonkers, added that “police brutality is part of the history of Yonkers police” something that he witnessed as a child growing up in the Slow Balms Projects.
Brother Arthur asked President Dixson about the cross burning incident in Cortland and his position on racism in Westchester. He responded with “I am a product of the school desegregation suit in Yonkers. I remember being bussed to school and adults standing with banners and posters saying go back to where you came from. It felt like I was in the 50’s and 60’s. Yes, racism still exists in Westchester. More than we want to admit it.”
In studio with Brother Arthur was Damon K. Jones, Executive Director of the Westchester NBPA, and two Mt. Vernon High School students that attended the 100 positive black men rally. The Westchester NBPA President, Sterling Dixson, joined the discussion via phone.
Prompted by the Westchester NBPA’s partnership with the Yonkers’ NAACP to address the ongoing police brutality and misconduct in the Yonkers’ community, Brother Arthur asked Mr. Jones why the NBPA was offering its support.
“The NAACP has historically worked for the betterment of our community. As men, black men, we could not sit back and allow our sister, Karen Edmonson [the president of the Yonkers Chapter] to stand alone. The people of Westchester need to see that she has the support of the black law enforcement community” Mr. Jones said
President Dixson, a long time resident of Yonkers, added that “police brutality is part of the history of Yonkers police” something that he witnessed as a child growing up in the Slow Balms Projects.
Brother Arthur asked President Dixson about the cross burning incident in Cortland and his position on racism in Westchester. He responded with “I am a product of the school desegregation suit in Yonkers. I remember being bussed to school and adults standing with banners and posters saying go back to where you came from. It felt like I was in the 50’s and 60’s. Yes, racism still exists in Westchester. More than we want to admit it.”
BLACKWATCH
Thursday, December 13, 2007
RACE AS A TRIGGER ... "SHOOT OR DONT SHOOT"
Would an unarmed black man be spared a barrage of 41 bullets fired by police officers if he were white? It is a question that’s been consuming Joshua Correll ever since Amadou Diallo, a 22-year-old Guinean immigrant, was killed by New York police officers in 1999 as he reached into his pocket for an object the officers believed to be a gun.
An assistant professor of psychology at the University of Chicago, Correll has been trying to find the answer through a series of studies he has published since 2002.
Through a video simulation Correll and his colleagues created, the studies tested 270 police officers from 15 different states and 187 civilians in an attempt to gauge how racial bias plays into a police officer’s decision to shoot a suspect.
The studies came up with two main findings.
The first one, Correll says, was “reassuring.” It showed that police officers were less likely to shoot an unarmed man, regardless of race, than the majority white and Latino civilians who were tested.
“Police officers can implement a kind of control that other people can’t do,” said Correll, who is white. “When it comes down to it, they’re very good about controlling the decision that reflects the object in the person’s hand, not the color of the person’s skin.”
Implicit association studies can be used as a step in finding the weak links in a system.
But the second finding was less sanguine. It showed that the officers, just like untrained civilians, seem to exhibit racial bias in their reaction time: They were quicker to decide not to shoot an unarmed white suspect than an unarmed black suspect and slower to decide to shoot an armed white suspect than an armed black suspect. The results, Correll believes, suggest that participants associate African Americans with more violence. And the implication could be ominous, he said.
“Even if the don’t-shoot mechanism translates, there can be bias in who people choose to stop, so police may wind up in more confrontations with black suspects,” he said.
Correll’s study is part of a growing body of nationwide research called “implicit association,” which seeks to predict behavior based on an individual’s level of bias. By testing human responses under time pressure, researchers have found that people are not immune from developing their own unconscious biases.
In Correll’s research, he sought to tease out such biases by constructing a game that played out like this:
A white man appears on a background of a park bench. He holds an object in his hand. It’s black and has a sharp edge. You have a few milliseconds to decide if the man is holding a gun.
Pulling the trigger before he does is your only line of defense. You can press either “shoot” or “don’t shoot” button.
Next, a black man appears at a train station. He’s holding an object that blends in with the color of the background. He’s standing at a 45-degree angle from your line of sight, making it hard to judge if he has a gun—or a cell phone.
The simulation goes on like this for about 12 minutes, with upwards of 100 targets appearing.
Matthew Tobias, assistant deputy superintendent in the Chicago Police Department, said factors are more complex when making the decision to shoot in the real world.
“Factors such as the level of crime in an area, recent crime events in the neighborhood, the time of day and lighting factors all affect an officer’s ability to make a good decision,” he said.
But Tobias, who is white, insists that one thing is for sure: “Race is never a factor in an officer’s decision to shoot.”
Ashunda Harris, a 36-year-old African American, disagrees. Harris looks at the issue through the painstaking reality of what happened to Aaron Harrison, her 18-year-old nephew. In August, Harrison was shot and killed by a police officer in North Lawndale, a predominantly black neighborhood on Chicago’s West Side.
In recent years, Harris said, police have become increasingly aggressive in the neighborhood, humiliating young black men in particular. “They are demeaned and humiliated on a daily basis,” she said, her voice still trembling with anger at a community protest in the wake of her nephew’s death.
Such sentiments are a signal that the police department needs to recruit more black officers, said Jerry Crawley, a retired Chicago police officer who served the force for nearly 34 years.
“When you don’t have someone like the people who look like the actual community [they’re serving], there’s no relationship,” said Crawley, who is black and a former board member of the African American Police League, a nonprofit that seeks to provide “better police service in the black community.”
For his part, Correll believes that implicit association studies like his can be used as a step in finding the weak links in a system. “If you understand why a system works, you can understand when it is going to break down,” he said.
By Shelly Zeiger
Colorline.com
An assistant professor of psychology at the University of Chicago, Correll has been trying to find the answer through a series of studies he has published since 2002.
Through a video simulation Correll and his colleagues created, the studies tested 270 police officers from 15 different states and 187 civilians in an attempt to gauge how racial bias plays into a police officer’s decision to shoot a suspect.
The studies came up with two main findings.
The first one, Correll says, was “reassuring.” It showed that police officers were less likely to shoot an unarmed man, regardless of race, than the majority white and Latino civilians who were tested.
“Police officers can implement a kind of control that other people can’t do,” said Correll, who is white. “When it comes down to it, they’re very good about controlling the decision that reflects the object in the person’s hand, not the color of the person’s skin.”
Implicit association studies can be used as a step in finding the weak links in a system.
But the second finding was less sanguine. It showed that the officers, just like untrained civilians, seem to exhibit racial bias in their reaction time: They were quicker to decide not to shoot an unarmed white suspect than an unarmed black suspect and slower to decide to shoot an armed white suspect than an armed black suspect. The results, Correll believes, suggest that participants associate African Americans with more violence. And the implication could be ominous, he said.
“Even if the don’t-shoot mechanism translates, there can be bias in who people choose to stop, so police may wind up in more confrontations with black suspects,” he said.
Correll’s study is part of a growing body of nationwide research called “implicit association,” which seeks to predict behavior based on an individual’s level of bias. By testing human responses under time pressure, researchers have found that people are not immune from developing their own unconscious biases.
In Correll’s research, he sought to tease out such biases by constructing a game that played out like this:
A white man appears on a background of a park bench. He holds an object in his hand. It’s black and has a sharp edge. You have a few milliseconds to decide if the man is holding a gun.
Pulling the trigger before he does is your only line of defense. You can press either “shoot” or “don’t shoot” button.
Next, a black man appears at a train station. He’s holding an object that blends in with the color of the background. He’s standing at a 45-degree angle from your line of sight, making it hard to judge if he has a gun—or a cell phone.
The simulation goes on like this for about 12 minutes, with upwards of 100 targets appearing.
Matthew Tobias, assistant deputy superintendent in the Chicago Police Department, said factors are more complex when making the decision to shoot in the real world.
“Factors such as the level of crime in an area, recent crime events in the neighborhood, the time of day and lighting factors all affect an officer’s ability to make a good decision,” he said.
But Tobias, who is white, insists that one thing is for sure: “Race is never a factor in an officer’s decision to shoot.”
Ashunda Harris, a 36-year-old African American, disagrees. Harris looks at the issue through the painstaking reality of what happened to Aaron Harrison, her 18-year-old nephew. In August, Harrison was shot and killed by a police officer in North Lawndale, a predominantly black neighborhood on Chicago’s West Side.
In recent years, Harris said, police have become increasingly aggressive in the neighborhood, humiliating young black men in particular. “They are demeaned and humiliated on a daily basis,” she said, her voice still trembling with anger at a community protest in the wake of her nephew’s death.
Such sentiments are a signal that the police department needs to recruit more black officers, said Jerry Crawley, a retired Chicago police officer who served the force for nearly 34 years.
“When you don’t have someone like the people who look like the actual community [they’re serving], there’s no relationship,” said Crawley, who is black and a former board member of the African American Police League, a nonprofit that seeks to provide “better police service in the black community.”
For his part, Correll believes that implicit association studies like his can be used as a step in finding the weak links in a system. “If you understand why a system works, you can understand when it is going to break down,” he said.
By Shelly Zeiger
Colorline.com
Wednesday, December 12, 2007
"BAD COP IN THE HOOD"
CHICAGO (FinalCall.com) - While residents in Black and Latino neighborhoods may have already accepted this as a reality, a new report documents a troubling tendency by law enforcement agencies to ignore cases of officers accused of brutality and corruption. A strict code of silence and tangled bureaucracy shields officers from scrutiny, said researchers.
A team led by Professor Craig Futterman of the University of Chicago Law School focused on the Chicago Police Department (CPD) as a case study of systemic controls and disciplinary oversight of officers accused of misconduct.Looking at statistical data from the Chicago Police Department going back to 2001, researchers found officers with the most complaints were found mostly within special operations units assigned to neighborhoods with public housing developments in mainly Black and Latino communities where there is little economic or political power.
“For some communities, these abusive officers make up the face of law enforcement,” said. Prof. Futterman.“We tried to bring to light what’s happening and just show the hard facts and the hard data.What this truly provides is the hard evidence of the reality of those who have felt the brunt of this,” Futterman added. The report, “The Use of Statistical Evidence to Address Police Supervisory and Disciplinary Practices: The Chicago Police Department’s Broken System” was released Nov. 14.
According to the report, aggressive stops, street interrogations and searches of homes at any given time are realities for those living in the inner city.Whenever a police car pulled into a public housing area, Black men expected to be frisked, and questioned by police even without probable cause, it said.
Sean Bell’s fiance Nicole Paultre-Bell is comforted by Rev. Al Sharpton as they watch Queens District Attorney Richard Brown on television unseal the indictments, at Reverend Sharpton’s headquarters, March 19, 2007 in New York City. Three New York City police officers were charged in the shooting death of Sean Bell on November 25, 2006 in Queens, New York. Photo: Stephen Chernin/Getty ImagesDetailed within the report were the activities of a well-known outfit of rogue cops in Chicago dubbed the “Skullcap Crew,” who were accused of constantly terrorizing South Side public housing residents for years. First-hand accounts by residents described seeing the Skullcap Crew “lining up a group of young Black men and kicking them in the testicles; ordering African-American men to strike Black women at the threat of arrest; strip searching African-American women and ridiculing their bodies; planting illegal drugs on innocent people; stealing money from and protecting drug dealers.”
When asked if these officers were dispatched to these areas as a result of punishment for misbehavior or brutality, Prof. Futterman said it was more like “birds of a feather, flock together.” Officers with negative tendencies connected with likeminded officers and got away with abusive behavior because of perceived lawlessness in Black and Latino communities, he said.
Police brutality, excessive use of force incidents across the country
With 13,600 sworn police officers making it the second largest police force behind New York, there exists a well-known history of corruption and brutality within the CPD going back to the late 1970s specifically under the direction of Commander Jon Burge.According to the testimony of complaints by victims and court records, torture techniques such as the use of cattle prods, handcuffing suspects to hot radiators, suffocating suspects with plastic bags, games of Russian roulette, and severe beatings were employed to coerce confessions.A special prosecutor found evidence of impropriety in close to 200 cases against Mr. Burge and some of the men under his command.But it was determined that the statute of limitations had run out in the crimes. Though fired in 1993, Mr. Burge is still collecting his police pension.
Many recall the police torture case of Abner Louima who testified that NYPD officers strip searched him, beat him up, kicked him in the testicles and sodomized him with a plunger before shoving it down his throat knocking out teeth. Mr. Louima suffered severe damage to his internal organs requiring multiple operations. Justin Volpe, the main officer involved in the assault was sentenced to 30 years in prison. Three other officers pled guilty to lesser charges.
In November of 2006, NYPD officers fired 50 shots into a car driven by 23-year-old Sean Bell, killing him and wounding two of his friends as they left his bachelor party at a club in Queens. The three officers accused in the case will go on trial in February of 2008.
The city of Chicago was ordered to pay 23-year-old Coprez Coffie $4 million in damages after a jury ruled in his favor. After being stopped by an unmarked police car in August 2004, Mr. Coffie said he was accused of having drugs. During a search, a police officer sodomized him with a screwdriver while his patrol partner watched. The jury found Officer Scott Korhonen conducted an unreasonable search. Mr. Korhonen and his patrol partner, Officer Gerald Lodwich, were not disciplined by the police department.
Los Angeles Police Depart-ment became a prime example of police corruption and brutality following the Rodney King beating. Vivid memories of the LAPD Rampart scandal remain in which members of an elite squad were accused of involvement in bank-robberies, narcotics trafficking, tainting evidence and falsifying information to frame innocent people.
How can police officers be so brazen in their disrespect for law and rights of citizens they are sworn to protect?
The Futterman report found the Chicago Police Department had a “deeply ingrained culture of denial which enables certain officers to operate with impunity in certain communities.” The department “goes to great lengths not to know about or address its ‘bad apples’ and the harm that they inflict” on the public and the justice system, said researchers.
The problem isn’t Chicago’s alone. Advocates for police reform have long complained of a “blue wall of silence” and the difficulty of having departments police themselves.
In New Jersey, where De Lacy D. Davis recently retired as a sergeant after 20 years with the East Orange New Jersey Police Department, the same problem exists. “Not only does the blue wall of silence exist, but the organizational culture of law enforcement is white male dominated, racist, sexist, homophobic and then you might find a good cop,” said Mr. Davis. “When you operate in a paradigm that has that as a cultural foundation, it is very difficult for anyone other than those in the dominant culture to seek or get any form of justice.”
“Very often, the officers with the complaints against them get promoted. The attitude of the officers on the street is a reflection of the leadership at the top of the agency,” said Mr. Davis. “The system protects its own. There is an unwritten reward for not breaking the code.I have broken the code. I’ve been assaulted, I’ve had my life threatened, I’ve had the system unleashed on me, by Black officers, for breaking the code because I’ve testified against officers who were abusing citizens,” said Mr. Davis.
The Futterman report pointed to extensive administrative requirements, unrealistic reporting deadlines for citizens, and a rigid policy of refusing to transfer and protect whistleblowers as “the machinery of denial” within the Chicago police department. These things provide protection for officers accused of excessive force or questionable ethical behavior, the report found. Mr. Futterman referred to the department’s internal investigations as “a joke.”
“Police brutality is not a crime, it is an ideology,” said Chicago community activist Wallace “Gator” Bradley. In many cases of documented cases of police brutality, officers found guilty in civil suits or other wrongdoing remained on the street, he complained.
“We need to lay all that pressure on those with the power to demand that the House judiciary committee subpoena the judges, states attorney, and the police officers in all of these cases and ask them why the investigations and indictments are slow,” Mr. Bradley said.
Longtime Chicago community activist Beauty Turner has been fighting the battle against police brutality for almost 20 years. She is convinced that the police should not be investigating themselves. “The public, press and activists need to be on the police review board because we actually live in the communities in which this is happening, and we have a greater impact on this police terrorism,” said Ms. Turner.
Some Chicago aldermen have asked federal judges for access to the names of officers who were the subjects of multiple complaints including false arrest, brutality and unlawful search since police officers are public officials who are paid by the tax dollars.Chicago Mayor Richard M. Daley has vehemently opposed the release of such information, saying institutional controls have been put in place to prevent misdeeds and investigate claims of police wrongdoing.
“What this study shows is that the same underlying conditions that allowed Commander Burge and his henchmen to torture Black people with impunity haven’t been fixed today.The same underlying conditions that allowed them to get away with it are allowing the modern day Burges to do what they are doing,” countered Mr. Futterman.
Although the Chicago study paints a bleak picture, as the public outcry for reform increased, Mayor Daley announced broad changes to the Office of Professional Standards, which is the administrative body responsible for investigating complaints of police misconduct. The mayor appointed Ilana Rosenzweig as the new administrative head of the Office of Professional Standards, placing the department under his direct control. Ms. Rosenzweig subsequently renamed the agency to the Independent Police Review Authority (IPRA) and has announced that structural and personnel changes are in the works.
In a press conference in May of 2007, after announcing that he would be restructuring the Office of Professional Standards, Mayor Daley said, “I’ve made it clear that misconduct in the department cannot and will not be tolerated in the City of Chicago. We must assure every Chicagoan that we are doing everything possible to prevent abuse by police.”
By Ashahed M. MuhammadAssistant Editor, finalcall.com
A team led by Professor Craig Futterman of the University of Chicago Law School focused on the Chicago Police Department (CPD) as a case study of systemic controls and disciplinary oversight of officers accused of misconduct.Looking at statistical data from the Chicago Police Department going back to 2001, researchers found officers with the most complaints were found mostly within special operations units assigned to neighborhoods with public housing developments in mainly Black and Latino communities where there is little economic or political power.
“For some communities, these abusive officers make up the face of law enforcement,” said. Prof. Futterman.“We tried to bring to light what’s happening and just show the hard facts and the hard data.What this truly provides is the hard evidence of the reality of those who have felt the brunt of this,” Futterman added. The report, “The Use of Statistical Evidence to Address Police Supervisory and Disciplinary Practices: The Chicago Police Department’s Broken System” was released Nov. 14.
According to the report, aggressive stops, street interrogations and searches of homes at any given time are realities for those living in the inner city.Whenever a police car pulled into a public housing area, Black men expected to be frisked, and questioned by police even without probable cause, it said.
Sean Bell’s fiance Nicole Paultre-Bell is comforted by Rev. Al Sharpton as they watch Queens District Attorney Richard Brown on television unseal the indictments, at Reverend Sharpton’s headquarters, March 19, 2007 in New York City. Three New York City police officers were charged in the shooting death of Sean Bell on November 25, 2006 in Queens, New York. Photo: Stephen Chernin/Getty ImagesDetailed within the report were the activities of a well-known outfit of rogue cops in Chicago dubbed the “Skullcap Crew,” who were accused of constantly terrorizing South Side public housing residents for years. First-hand accounts by residents described seeing the Skullcap Crew “lining up a group of young Black men and kicking them in the testicles; ordering African-American men to strike Black women at the threat of arrest; strip searching African-American women and ridiculing their bodies; planting illegal drugs on innocent people; stealing money from and protecting drug dealers.”
When asked if these officers were dispatched to these areas as a result of punishment for misbehavior or brutality, Prof. Futterman said it was more like “birds of a feather, flock together.” Officers with negative tendencies connected with likeminded officers and got away with abusive behavior because of perceived lawlessness in Black and Latino communities, he said.
Police brutality, excessive use of force incidents across the country
With 13,600 sworn police officers making it the second largest police force behind New York, there exists a well-known history of corruption and brutality within the CPD going back to the late 1970s specifically under the direction of Commander Jon Burge.According to the testimony of complaints by victims and court records, torture techniques such as the use of cattle prods, handcuffing suspects to hot radiators, suffocating suspects with plastic bags, games of Russian roulette, and severe beatings were employed to coerce confessions.A special prosecutor found evidence of impropriety in close to 200 cases against Mr. Burge and some of the men under his command.But it was determined that the statute of limitations had run out in the crimes. Though fired in 1993, Mr. Burge is still collecting his police pension.
Many recall the police torture case of Abner Louima who testified that NYPD officers strip searched him, beat him up, kicked him in the testicles and sodomized him with a plunger before shoving it down his throat knocking out teeth. Mr. Louima suffered severe damage to his internal organs requiring multiple operations. Justin Volpe, the main officer involved in the assault was sentenced to 30 years in prison. Three other officers pled guilty to lesser charges.
In November of 2006, NYPD officers fired 50 shots into a car driven by 23-year-old Sean Bell, killing him and wounding two of his friends as they left his bachelor party at a club in Queens. The three officers accused in the case will go on trial in February of 2008.
The city of Chicago was ordered to pay 23-year-old Coprez Coffie $4 million in damages after a jury ruled in his favor. After being stopped by an unmarked police car in August 2004, Mr. Coffie said he was accused of having drugs. During a search, a police officer sodomized him with a screwdriver while his patrol partner watched. The jury found Officer Scott Korhonen conducted an unreasonable search. Mr. Korhonen and his patrol partner, Officer Gerald Lodwich, were not disciplined by the police department.
Los Angeles Police Depart-ment became a prime example of police corruption and brutality following the Rodney King beating. Vivid memories of the LAPD Rampart scandal remain in which members of an elite squad were accused of involvement in bank-robberies, narcotics trafficking, tainting evidence and falsifying information to frame innocent people.
How can police officers be so brazen in their disrespect for law and rights of citizens they are sworn to protect?
The Futterman report found the Chicago Police Department had a “deeply ingrained culture of denial which enables certain officers to operate with impunity in certain communities.” The department “goes to great lengths not to know about or address its ‘bad apples’ and the harm that they inflict” on the public and the justice system, said researchers.
The problem isn’t Chicago’s alone. Advocates for police reform have long complained of a “blue wall of silence” and the difficulty of having departments police themselves.
In New Jersey, where De Lacy D. Davis recently retired as a sergeant after 20 years with the East Orange New Jersey Police Department, the same problem exists. “Not only does the blue wall of silence exist, but the organizational culture of law enforcement is white male dominated, racist, sexist, homophobic and then you might find a good cop,” said Mr. Davis. “When you operate in a paradigm that has that as a cultural foundation, it is very difficult for anyone other than those in the dominant culture to seek or get any form of justice.”
“Very often, the officers with the complaints against them get promoted. The attitude of the officers on the street is a reflection of the leadership at the top of the agency,” said Mr. Davis. “The system protects its own. There is an unwritten reward for not breaking the code.I have broken the code. I’ve been assaulted, I’ve had my life threatened, I’ve had the system unleashed on me, by Black officers, for breaking the code because I’ve testified against officers who were abusing citizens,” said Mr. Davis.
The Futterman report pointed to extensive administrative requirements, unrealistic reporting deadlines for citizens, and a rigid policy of refusing to transfer and protect whistleblowers as “the machinery of denial” within the Chicago police department. These things provide protection for officers accused of excessive force or questionable ethical behavior, the report found. Mr. Futterman referred to the department’s internal investigations as “a joke.”
“Police brutality is not a crime, it is an ideology,” said Chicago community activist Wallace “Gator” Bradley. In many cases of documented cases of police brutality, officers found guilty in civil suits or other wrongdoing remained on the street, he complained.
“We need to lay all that pressure on those with the power to demand that the House judiciary committee subpoena the judges, states attorney, and the police officers in all of these cases and ask them why the investigations and indictments are slow,” Mr. Bradley said.
Longtime Chicago community activist Beauty Turner has been fighting the battle against police brutality for almost 20 years. She is convinced that the police should not be investigating themselves. “The public, press and activists need to be on the police review board because we actually live in the communities in which this is happening, and we have a greater impact on this police terrorism,” said Ms. Turner.
Some Chicago aldermen have asked federal judges for access to the names of officers who were the subjects of multiple complaints including false arrest, brutality and unlawful search since police officers are public officials who are paid by the tax dollars.Chicago Mayor Richard M. Daley has vehemently opposed the release of such information, saying institutional controls have been put in place to prevent misdeeds and investigate claims of police wrongdoing.
“What this study shows is that the same underlying conditions that allowed Commander Burge and his henchmen to torture Black people with impunity haven’t been fixed today.The same underlying conditions that allowed them to get away with it are allowing the modern day Burges to do what they are doing,” countered Mr. Futterman.
Although the Chicago study paints a bleak picture, as the public outcry for reform increased, Mayor Daley announced broad changes to the Office of Professional Standards, which is the administrative body responsible for investigating complaints of police misconduct. The mayor appointed Ilana Rosenzweig as the new administrative head of the Office of Professional Standards, placing the department under his direct control. Ms. Rosenzweig subsequently renamed the agency to the Independent Police Review Authority (IPRA) and has announced that structural and personnel changes are in the works.
In a press conference in May of 2007, after announcing that he would be restructuring the Office of Professional Standards, Mayor Daley said, “I’ve made it clear that misconduct in the department cannot and will not be tolerated in the City of Chicago. We must assure every Chicagoan that we are doing everything possible to prevent abuse by police.”
By Ashahed M. MuhammadAssistant Editor, finalcall.com
Sunday, December 9, 2007
POLICE VIOLENCE ESCALATES IN NEW YORK
NEW YORK (FinalCall.com) - “We demand that policing which only serves to brutalize and terrorize communities of color must stop,” said an internet message from Peoples’ Justice for Community Control and Police Accountability, a grassroots coalition of anti-police brutality organizations.
The message was sent out in response to the most recent police shooting of a Black youth in the city: Five officers—three regular city police officers and two from the New York Police Dept. Housing Unit—shot and killed 18-year-old Khiel Coppin. Mr. Coppin had a hairbrush in his hands Nov. 12 when officers fired 20 rounds at him.
It “appears officers were acting within department guidelines,” said Police Commissioner Ray Kelly.
“With the one-year anniversary of the killing of Sean Bell looming, this latest killing at the hands of trigger happy police officers is a disturbing reminder that police violence continues with people of color as its primary targets,” said Peoples’ Justice.
“This killing once again reveals the pattern, and policy, of the NYPD to shoot to kill in communities of color as an initial response, regardless of whether the circumstances call for deadly force,” the group added.
Police officials said officers were responding to a 911 call from Mr. Coppin’s mother, who asked for help with a domestic dispute. A man’s voice could be heard in the background threatening to kill her and claiming “I have a gun,” according to police officials. Mr. Coppin had stopped taking his anti-psychotic medication, medication for attention deficit disorder and was acting strange, according to relatives and police.
“When she called for help, it was like dialing M for murder. We need to decentralize the police department. We carry around a candy bar – they shoot us. Little Clifford Glover had an afro pick and they killed him, Amadou Diallo’s wallet was enough to get him killed. Now a hairbrush! The police have gone wild,” said Brooklyn Councilman Charles Barron.
Kevin Muhammad, NYC Millions More Movement Local Organizing Committee chairman, told The Final Call Blacks in New York need to create a think tank and energize a movement to stunt the growth of “our open enemies.”
“Like no other time has there been a greater need for the marriage between the skilled and the unskilled to become honored servants and respond to the needs of our people,” said Mr. Muhammad, of Muhammad’s Mosque No. 7 in Harlem.
Marq Claxton of 100 Blacks in Law Enforcement Who Care is willing to be part of a think tank. “You look at the think tanks that White folks have, and you see the power they derive from them. With the brilliance of Black people in this city, a think tank would be perfect. It can be a very important instrument for our Black elected officials,” Mr. Claxton said.
“A think tank that could help with solutions to the mental health problem in our communities would be something I would be a part of,” Councilman Leroy Comrie of Queens told The Final Call. It seems that young Coppin’s mother had tried to get him psychiatric help the same day he was killed.
“The mental health in our community is precarious, so many of our young people are distressed. Our response must be one of helping them face their realities,” Councilman Comrie said. A think tank would be able to establish a program to meet needs and politicians would be able to formulate a way for financial support, he said.
As the Black community braces itself for the upcoming Nov. 23 march and vigil for in remembrance of Sean Bell, an unarmed Black man who was killed when police fired 50 shots at his car, there are other allegations of police misconduct that have many shaking their heads in disbelief.
Cab driver Stephen Springle, a Queens resident, said he was sitting in his vehicle Oct. 28 on a Staten Island street, when police officers demanded that he move his car. According to Springle, officers used mace to get his attention and beat him.
A 14-year-old Black child was picked up Halloween night by two White police officers for allegedly throwing eggs at passing cars. According to his parents, the officers drove the boy to a deserted area, stripped him of his clothes and left him. The parents said their son was beaten and officers hurled racial epithets at him. The officers deny beating the boy or using racial slurs.
They have been charged with unlawful imprisonment and endangering the welfare of a minor. Both charges are misdemeanors.
The officers told their supervisors they were trying to teach the young teen a lesson, according to reports.
“These police officers should have been charged with nothing less than kidnapping,” said Mr. Claxton.
In early October, Jayson Tirado was shot to death by an off-duty police officer in what authorities are calling a “road rage” case. The officer has been suspended without pay while a grand jury investigates possible charges.
By Saeed Shabazz
Staff Writer
© Copyright 2007 FCN Publishing, FinalCall.com
Wednesday, November 21, 2007
THE REAL STORY OF THANKSGIVING
Most of us associate the holiday with happy Pilgrims and Indians sitting down to a big feast. And that did happen - once.
The story began in 1614 when a band of English explorers sailed home to England with a ship full of Patuxet Indians bound for slavery. They left behind smallpox which virtually wiped out those who had escaped. By the time the Pilgrims arrived in Massachusetts Bay they found only one living Patuxet Indian, a man named Squanto who had survived slavery in England and knew their language. He taught them to grow corn and to fish, and negotiated a peace treaty between the Pilgrims and the Wampanoag Nation. At the end of their first year, the Pilgrims held a great feast honoring Squanto and the Wampanoags.
But as word spread in England about the paradise to be found in the new world, religious zealots called Puritans began arriving by the boat load. Finding no fences around the land, they considered it to be in the public domain. Joined by other British settlers, they seized land, capturing strong young Natives for slaves and killing the rest. But the Pequot Nation had not agreed to the peace treaty Squanto had negotiated and they fought back. The Pequot War was one of the bloodiest Indian wars ever fought.
In 1637 near present day Groton, Connecticut, over 700 men, women and children of the Pequot Tribe had gathered for their annual Green Corn Festival which is our Thanksgiving celebration. In the predawn hours the sleeping Indians were surrounded by English and Dutch mercenaries who ordered them to come outside. Those who came out were shot or clubbed to death while the terrified women and children who huddled inside the longhouse were burned alive. The next day the governor of the Massachusetts Bay Colony declared "A Day Of Thanksgiving" because 700 unarmed men, women and children had been murdered.
Cheered by their "victory", the brave colonists and their Indian allies attacked village after village. Women and children over 14 were sold into slavery while the rest were murdered. Boats loaded with a many as 500 slaves regularly left the ports of New England. Bounties were paid for Indian scalps to encourage as many deaths as possible.
Following an especially successful raid against the Pequot in what is now Stamford, Connecticut, the churches announced a second day of "thanksgiving" to celebrate victory over the heathen savages. During the feasting, the hacked off heads of Natives were kicked through the streets like soccer balls. Even the friendly Wampanoag did not escape the madness. Their chief was beheaded, and his head impaled on a pole in Plymouth, Massachusetts -- where it remained on display for 24 years.
The killings became more and more frenzied, with days of thanksgiving feasts being held after each successful massacre. George Washington finally suggested that only one day of Thanksgiving per year be set aside instead of celebrating each and every massacre. Later Abraham Lincoln decreed Thanksgiving Day to be a legal national holiday during the Civil War -- on the same day he ordered troops to march against the starving Sioux in Minnesota.
This story doesn't have quite the same fuzzy feelings associated with it as the one where the Indians and Pilgrims are all sitting down together at the big feast. But we need to learn our true history so it won't ever be repeated. Next Thanksgiving, when you gather with your loved ones to Thank God for all your blessings, think about those people who only wanted to live their lives and raise their families. They, also took time out to say "thank you" to Creator for all their blessings.
Our Thanks to Hill & Holler Column by Susan Bates susanbates@webtv.net
The story began in 1614 when a band of English explorers sailed home to England with a ship full of Patuxet Indians bound for slavery. They left behind smallpox which virtually wiped out those who had escaped. By the time the Pilgrims arrived in Massachusetts Bay they found only one living Patuxet Indian, a man named Squanto who had survived slavery in England and knew their language. He taught them to grow corn and to fish, and negotiated a peace treaty between the Pilgrims and the Wampanoag Nation. At the end of their first year, the Pilgrims held a great feast honoring Squanto and the Wampanoags.
But as word spread in England about the paradise to be found in the new world, religious zealots called Puritans began arriving by the boat load. Finding no fences around the land, they considered it to be in the public domain. Joined by other British settlers, they seized land, capturing strong young Natives for slaves and killing the rest. But the Pequot Nation had not agreed to the peace treaty Squanto had negotiated and they fought back. The Pequot War was one of the bloodiest Indian wars ever fought.
In 1637 near present day Groton, Connecticut, over 700 men, women and children of the Pequot Tribe had gathered for their annual Green Corn Festival which is our Thanksgiving celebration. In the predawn hours the sleeping Indians were surrounded by English and Dutch mercenaries who ordered them to come outside. Those who came out were shot or clubbed to death while the terrified women and children who huddled inside the longhouse were burned alive. The next day the governor of the Massachusetts Bay Colony declared "A Day Of Thanksgiving" because 700 unarmed men, women and children had been murdered.
Cheered by their "victory", the brave colonists and their Indian allies attacked village after village. Women and children over 14 were sold into slavery while the rest were murdered. Boats loaded with a many as 500 slaves regularly left the ports of New England. Bounties were paid for Indian scalps to encourage as many deaths as possible.
Following an especially successful raid against the Pequot in what is now Stamford, Connecticut, the churches announced a second day of "thanksgiving" to celebrate victory over the heathen savages. During the feasting, the hacked off heads of Natives were kicked through the streets like soccer balls. Even the friendly Wampanoag did not escape the madness. Their chief was beheaded, and his head impaled on a pole in Plymouth, Massachusetts -- where it remained on display for 24 years.
The killings became more and more frenzied, with days of thanksgiving feasts being held after each successful massacre. George Washington finally suggested that only one day of Thanksgiving per year be set aside instead of celebrating each and every massacre. Later Abraham Lincoln decreed Thanksgiving Day to be a legal national holiday during the Civil War -- on the same day he ordered troops to march against the starving Sioux in Minnesota.
This story doesn't have quite the same fuzzy feelings associated with it as the one where the Indians and Pilgrims are all sitting down together at the big feast. But we need to learn our true history so it won't ever be repeated. Next Thanksgiving, when you gather with your loved ones to Thank God for all your blessings, think about those people who only wanted to live their lives and raise their families. They, also took time out to say "thank you" to Creator for all their blessings.
Our Thanks to Hill & Holler Column by Susan Bates susanbates@webtv.net
NATIONAL ACTION NETWORK CHAPTER PRESIDENT WILLIAM RICHARDSON, III, CALLS FOR INVESTIGATION INTO DEATH OF MAN SHOT BY INDIAN RIVER COUNTY SHERIFF
Wednesday, November 21, 2007 (Gifford, Florida)---William Richardson, III, President of Rev. Al Sharpton’s Port St. Lucie Chapter of National Action Network, and Pastor of Grace Baptist Church, has called for a rapid investigation into the shooting last Friday November 16th of an unarmed 44-year-old black man who was killed by an Indian River County Sheriff Deputy. Similar to the New York case of Khiel Coppin that is eliciting outrage from community leaders and activists around the country, and for whom Rev. Sharpton delivered a eulogy yesterday after the young man was shot at 20-times while holding a hairbrush, the man in Gifford likewise suffered from clinical depression and a mental disability, calling into question what procedures are for dealing with people who have disabilities.
Bryson Green, affectionately known as “Hip,” was killed by an Indian River County Sheriff Deputy with a questionable record, and according to Reverend Richardson, III, “There are gross contradictions between the sheriff department’s report and the story of eye witnesses.” The sheriffs department has said that Green was brandishing a pocket knife and that the sheriff was threatened and therefore tasered Mr. Green. The Sheriff Department said that when this did not stop Mr. Green, the deputy shot him in the stomach. Allegedly, the Sheriff department wanted to transport Mr. Green to a mental health facility but he did not want to go with these particular deputies and stated that he did not trust them. The deputies, according to Mr. Green’s mother and sister, stated that there was nothing they could do if he did not want to go with them. Since he was not a threat to anyone, the deputies left and the family went to another relative’s home nearby. While the family was away, a friend came by and sat in the truck with Mr. Green in front of his mother’s house on his mother’s property. When they had finished talking, Mr. Green got out of the truck to head back to his mother’s house at the same time that the sheriff deputies returned to the house (for what reason we don’t know), and entered into Greens mother’s property and told the friend to leave. Eye witnesses (a friend and neighbor) stated that the deputy holding the shot gun was approximately 20 to 30 yards away. Eye witnesses state that Mr. Green had his hands in the air repeatedly yelling “don’t shoot, I don’t have a gun.” This is when shots were heard. Eye witnesses say the deputy, then approached Green, who was on the ground, kicked him and asked him where the weapon was and tasered him after he was already shot and incapacitated. Mr. Green was a harmless and unthreatening figure. It is important to note that the deputy, who shot Green, was fired for DUI and later rehired. It is in question whether he was on duty at the time.
Another Black man shot. Have we turned back the clock to the 40s ad 50s where a black mans life is worth nothing? Why do we continue to hear about unarmed young black men being shot 20 to 50 times by police? As law enforcement professionals we must look into the institutional perception and policies of policing when it come to people of color or we will loose an entire generation of black men to police brutality, police misconduct ,and racist intuitional polices that allow them to call this "JUSTIFIABLE HOMICIDE"
BLACKWATCH
Bryson Green, affectionately known as “Hip,” was killed by an Indian River County Sheriff Deputy with a questionable record, and according to Reverend Richardson, III, “There are gross contradictions between the sheriff department’s report and the story of eye witnesses.” The sheriffs department has said that Green was brandishing a pocket knife and that the sheriff was threatened and therefore tasered Mr. Green. The Sheriff Department said that when this did not stop Mr. Green, the deputy shot him in the stomach. Allegedly, the Sheriff department wanted to transport Mr. Green to a mental health facility but he did not want to go with these particular deputies and stated that he did not trust them. The deputies, according to Mr. Green’s mother and sister, stated that there was nothing they could do if he did not want to go with them. Since he was not a threat to anyone, the deputies left and the family went to another relative’s home nearby. While the family was away, a friend came by and sat in the truck with Mr. Green in front of his mother’s house on his mother’s property. When they had finished talking, Mr. Green got out of the truck to head back to his mother’s house at the same time that the sheriff deputies returned to the house (for what reason we don’t know), and entered into Greens mother’s property and told the friend to leave. Eye witnesses (a friend and neighbor) stated that the deputy holding the shot gun was approximately 20 to 30 yards away. Eye witnesses state that Mr. Green had his hands in the air repeatedly yelling “don’t shoot, I don’t have a gun.” This is when shots were heard. Eye witnesses say the deputy, then approached Green, who was on the ground, kicked him and asked him where the weapon was and tasered him after he was already shot and incapacitated. Mr. Green was a harmless and unthreatening figure. It is important to note that the deputy, who shot Green, was fired for DUI and later rehired. It is in question whether he was on duty at the time.
****************************************************
Another Black man shot. Have we turned back the clock to the 40s ad 50s where a black mans life is worth nothing? Why do we continue to hear about unarmed young black men being shot 20 to 50 times by police? As law enforcement professionals we must look into the institutional perception and policies of policing when it come to people of color or we will loose an entire generation of black men to police brutality, police misconduct ,and racist intuitional polices that allow them to call this "JUSTIFIABLE HOMICIDE"
BLACKWATCH
Tuesday, November 20, 2007
D.A.R.E. HONORS AN OFFICER AND AN EDUCATOR
Officer George Stephens did not like the energy he was getting from the seventh grade students in his Drug Abuse Resistance Education class at Briggs Chaney Middle School in Burtonsville. So the Montgomery County Police veteran stopped his lesson for a dance break.
Suddenly, two dozen students rose from their chairs and slowly started dancing behind their desks. Everyone was soon happily moving and singing a call-and-answer song about D.A.R.E., Stephens included.
Once the song ended, the students returned to their seats and the lesson continued as if nothing happened.
‘‘You have to keep them going," Stephens said later. ‘‘Teach, then have fun. Teach, then have fun."
Stephens has been doing both for 12 years with the D.A.R.E. program, teaching thousands of students at 30 county schools. His work was recognized this summer in Nashville, when he was awarded the D.A.R.E. America Lifetime Achievement Award.
The normally talkative Stephens, 42, of Burtonsville, was at a loss for words discussing the honor. ‘‘To be recognized for something you love to do and be recognized by D.A.R.E. ... It was unbelievable," he said.
On the way to class recently, however, it was Stephens doing the recognizing in the hallways. ‘‘You better stop running or I’m gonna call your mama," he called out to one student.
Stephens greeted and playfully teased many, complimenting one student on his new glasses and telling others to keep moving to their next class.
The constant movement and energy carried over to the classroom, where Stephens’ lesson dealt with the effects of drugs on the brain. His discipline comes across casually (‘‘Please stop talking, because I’m the police and I can see and hear everything") as to not interrupt his lesson.
Many of Stephens’ teaching methods were subtle but purposeful. Instead of calling on students raising their hands to answer questions, he tossed a ball for them to catch. Not only does that keep students involved, he pointed out, but it empowers them as the focus of the entire class.
Stephens also made clear there was nothing wrong with being wrong. ‘‘That’s the best learning opportunity," he said to a group of students afraid to guess an incorrect answer. ‘‘Do your best, that’s all I want."
Stephens became a county police officer 17 years ago after a stint with the FBI. One day he saw a notice for D.A.R.E. training and decided he wanted to teach.
For six years, Stephens was one of the county’s full-time D.A.R.E. officers until that department was disbanded. Currently, Stephens works in the police recruitment department and teaches D.A.R.E. part-time at Briggs Chaney and Galway Elementary School, as a well as a parent version of the program in the Northeast Consortium. Stephens also trains prospective D.A.R.E. officers both locally and around the world.
But home for Stephens is with his students, and not only in the classroom. He attends sporting events, recitals and other after-school activities and has even chaperoned field trips, often on his own time.
That is what makes Stephens effective, said Kimberly Johnson, Briggs Chaney’s principal. ‘‘There’s an honesty that comes along with George that students appreciate and respect," she said. ‘‘He gives students another image of what police are there for."
Before last week’s class ended, Stephens took questions ranging from how police know if something was bought with drug money (‘‘We have ways") to the veracity of a scene from the movie ‘‘Friday" (not true).
The D.A.R.E. lessons have evolved since Stephens began from ‘‘say ‘no’ to drugs" to focusing more on decision-making and group learning, which Stephens thinks is an improvement.
‘‘[Students are] very savvy and very educated," he said. ‘‘We can’t teach them like they don’t know anything."
Not surprisingly, Stephens’ favorite part of teaching is interacting with students. His greatest joy, though, usually comes from former students. Like the ones who wear their D.A.R.E. T-shirts the year after his class. Or the three Bowie State University students who gave him hugs during a recent recruitment visit to the campus and proudly told him they were still drug-free.
That he can have an impact on students’ lives well after class ends drives Stephens to reach out to as many students as possible.
‘‘It’s the intangible reward," he said. ‘‘You never know who you are going to touch."
by Danny Jacobs Staff Writer Gazette.net
Monday, November 19, 2007
VIGILANTE NYPD OR ROGUE POLICE OFFICERS
Chanting ''enough is enough,'' ''community activists and members of the Black clergy held a rally in front of the office of Staten Island District Attorney Daniel Donovan on Nov. 2, to protest against racial injustice.Attended by more than 60 people, the rally was Edward Josey, head of S.I. Chapter of the NAACP, the S.I. African American Political Assoc. (SIAAPA), S.I. Committee Against Bigotry, People on the Move, and several area churches.
It also sought to highlight what organizers termed the disparity in which the DA applies the law.
During the planning meeting, activists said they were angered by Donovan's failure to apply hate crime charges against two white men who have been accused of beating a 20-year old Black male.
Organizers were also outraged over the DA's failure to put bail conditions on either of the two men, who each have only been formally charged with second degree assault.
In the days leading up to the demonstration, two more racial incidents were reported in the area, each of them involving white police as the central characters.
The incident, which seems to appall activists most took place on Halloween night. That's when high school freshmen Rayshawn Moreno was accosted by police over allegedlly throwing eggs at moving vehicles.
''Rayshawn was taken to a secluded wooded area, stripped of his clothes, beaten and left by the officers,'' James ''Whammy'' Hazel said of his son.
''What kind of person does this to a child?'' Telisa Hazel asked in defense of her 14-year-old son.''They were going to teach him a lesson?''
According to local Staten Island news reports, the officers have indicated that was indeed their intention, adding that when they returned to the area to pick him up he wasn't where they left him.
James Hazel also shot down a Staten Island Advance report that Moreno took off his own clothes ''because he wanted to blend in with the woods.'' Hazel said not only did officers take his son's clothes, they used racial epithets while threatening him.
''It's nothing more than a kidnapping. It's outrageous. It smacks of something from the Deep South in the '40s and '50s, not modern-day New York,'' observed the family's attorney, Jason Rosenthal.
The officers have been Identified as Thomas Elliassen and Michael Danese, both of the 120th Precinct. Each has been charged with unlawful imprisonment and endangering the welfare of a minor, both misdemeanors carrying up to a year in jail. Both men joined the force in 2004.
''We have to stay the course and remained focus, because there are forces attacking us from all sides,'' long-time community activist Dow Kevin Buford told the AmNews.
The NAACP is making a ''call to action,'' Josey told the crowd. ''We are asking people to pressure their elected officials to pass effective legislation banning racially motivated crimes,'' he said.
''This is a wake-up call for Staten Island,'' shouted the Rev. Demetrius Carolina, pastor of the First Central Baptist Church.
Rev. Carolina called for sweeping reforms in the judicial system to make sure justice is meted out fairly across the board.
''I'm seeking justice,'' claimed cab driver Stephen Springle, of Queens, who said Staten Island police officers, beat, kicked and sprayed mace in his face, as he sat in his cab on Oct. 28.
''We are here today to sound the alarm,'' Josey said.''Enough is enough.''
Added retired police detective Marq Claxton, these police officers should have been charged with nothing less than kidnapping.''
In recent days, Rosenthal said he happened across Eliassen's MYSpace.com page in which the officer describes himlself as a ''gansta'' and poses with a woman on each arm.Ablaring headline reportedly reads: ''Let's Do Lines Off A Strippers A-A--!''Rosenthal termed both officer's actions as ''outrageous'' and a disgrace to the badge.''
It also sought to highlight what organizers termed the disparity in which the DA applies the law.
During the planning meeting, activists said they were angered by Donovan's failure to apply hate crime charges against two white men who have been accused of beating a 20-year old Black male.
Organizers were also outraged over the DA's failure to put bail conditions on either of the two men, who each have only been formally charged with second degree assault.
In the days leading up to the demonstration, two more racial incidents were reported in the area, each of them involving white police as the central characters.
The incident, which seems to appall activists most took place on Halloween night. That's when high school freshmen Rayshawn Moreno was accosted by police over allegedlly throwing eggs at moving vehicles.
''Rayshawn was taken to a secluded wooded area, stripped of his clothes, beaten and left by the officers,'' James ''Whammy'' Hazel said of his son.
''What kind of person does this to a child?'' Telisa Hazel asked in defense of her 14-year-old son.''They were going to teach him a lesson?''
According to local Staten Island news reports, the officers have indicated that was indeed their intention, adding that when they returned to the area to pick him up he wasn't where they left him.
James Hazel also shot down a Staten Island Advance report that Moreno took off his own clothes ''because he wanted to blend in with the woods.'' Hazel said not only did officers take his son's clothes, they used racial epithets while threatening him.
''It's nothing more than a kidnapping. It's outrageous. It smacks of something from the Deep South in the '40s and '50s, not modern-day New York,'' observed the family's attorney, Jason Rosenthal.
The officers have been Identified as Thomas Elliassen and Michael Danese, both of the 120th Precinct. Each has been charged with unlawful imprisonment and endangering the welfare of a minor, both misdemeanors carrying up to a year in jail. Both men joined the force in 2004.
''We have to stay the course and remained focus, because there are forces attacking us from all sides,'' long-time community activist Dow Kevin Buford told the AmNews.
The NAACP is making a ''call to action,'' Josey told the crowd. ''We are asking people to pressure their elected officials to pass effective legislation banning racially motivated crimes,'' he said.
''This is a wake-up call for Staten Island,'' shouted the Rev. Demetrius Carolina, pastor of the First Central Baptist Church.
Rev. Carolina called for sweeping reforms in the judicial system to make sure justice is meted out fairly across the board.
''I'm seeking justice,'' claimed cab driver Stephen Springle, of Queens, who said Staten Island police officers, beat, kicked and sprayed mace in his face, as he sat in his cab on Oct. 28.
''We are here today to sound the alarm,'' Josey said.''Enough is enough.''
Added retired police detective Marq Claxton, these police officers should have been charged with nothing less than kidnapping.''
In recent days, Rosenthal said he happened across Eliassen's MYSpace.com page in which the officer describes himlself as a ''gansta'' and poses with a woman on each arm.Ablaring headline reportedly reads: ''Let's Do Lines Off A Strippers A-A--!''Rosenthal termed both officer's actions as ''outrageous'' and a disgrace to the badge.''
by SAEED SHABAZZSpecial to the AmNewsOriginally posted 11/9/2007
Wednesday, November 14, 2007
THE CONNECTION BETWEEN WEALTH AND HEALTH
In a country where 13 million children live in poverty and nine million children are uninsured, most of them in working families, money determines a lot about the circumstances that affect children’s health. Health should not depend on wealth, but far too often it does.
For a child, wealth might determine whether your parents can afford to pick up the phone and take you to the doctor every time you are sick, or whether they may end up putting off care so long that a routine illness lands you in the emergency room. Even if your family has some health coverage, wealth might determine if you can go to the dentist when you have a toothache, get glasses when you cannot see the blackboard, or talk to a mental health professional when your family is facing a crisis or whether those things are just "frills."
Wealth might determine whether you live in a home with clean air, or a home where you are exposed to peeling lead paint, insects, rodent droppings, dust and mold that aggravate your asthma; and whether you spend eight hours every school day in an old, rundown building that has the same problems. It might also determine whether your family can afford fresh fruits and vegetables, or rely mainly on less expensive, less healthy packaged and fast food.
Wealth might determine whether your family lives in a neighborhood with green playgrounds and parks, or whether you live next to a treatment plant or power lines, in a neighborhood with no place to run and play. Wealth might also determine whether you live in a neighborhood where you are not allowed to play outside at all, and where you are more likely to be a victim of gun violence.
In the wealthiest nation on earth, the fact that we still cannot promise a healthy start to all children is shameful. I first learned lessons about race and health as a little girl growing up in the segregated Bennettsville, S.C. I remember when little Johnny Harrington, who lived three houses down from my church parsonage, stepped on and died from a nail because his grandmother did not have a doctor to advise her or any money to pay for health care.
I also remember the migrant family who collided with a truck on the highway near my home, and the ambulance driver who refused to take them to the hospital because they were Black. And I remember when my classmate Henry Munnerlyn broke his neck when he jumped off the bridge into the town creek because only White children were allowed in the town swimming pool. I later heard that the creek where Blacks swam and fished was the hospital sewage outlet.
Martin Luther King Jr. once said of all the forms of inequality, injustice in health care is the most shocking and inhumane. Forty years later, Black children are almost twice as likely and Latino children are almost three times as likely as White children to be uninsured. It is unacceptable that access to health care and safe, clean places to live and play are still separate and unequal for so many Americans. Hurricane Katrina ripped the blinders off many different kinds of contemporary American injustice, including health care. When people are able to survive a massive hurricane, but may not survive an asthma or panic attack in its wake because they do not have access to health and mental health care, it is a problem.
Some people may think this does not affect their family. But when the average health insurance premium for a family of four costs $11,000 a year, and when half of all bankruptcies in this country are related to healthcare costs, that is not necessarily true. Some people may think our nation just cannot afford to cover its nine million uninsured children. But the recent round of $1.9 trillion in tax cuts, when fully in effect, will give the richest one percent of all taxpayers $57 billion each year. That is more than twice as much as would be needed to provide health coverage to all nine million uninsured children for a whole year.
We also spend almost $6 billion every month on the war in Iraq. Less than four months of this spending would also pay for health coverage for every uninsured child in this country.
The fact that our nation does not yet guarantee all its children a healthy start is a problem for all of us. But it is a problem that we, as a nation, can afford to fix.
(Marian Wright Edelman is president and founder of the Children’s Defense Fund.) finalcall.com
For a child, wealth might determine whether your parents can afford to pick up the phone and take you to the doctor every time you are sick, or whether they may end up putting off care so long that a routine illness lands you in the emergency room. Even if your family has some health coverage, wealth might determine if you can go to the dentist when you have a toothache, get glasses when you cannot see the blackboard, or talk to a mental health professional when your family is facing a crisis or whether those things are just "frills."
Wealth might determine whether you live in a home with clean air, or a home where you are exposed to peeling lead paint, insects, rodent droppings, dust and mold that aggravate your asthma; and whether you spend eight hours every school day in an old, rundown building that has the same problems. It might also determine whether your family can afford fresh fruits and vegetables, or rely mainly on less expensive, less healthy packaged and fast food.
Wealth might determine whether your family lives in a neighborhood with green playgrounds and parks, or whether you live next to a treatment plant or power lines, in a neighborhood with no place to run and play. Wealth might also determine whether you live in a neighborhood where you are not allowed to play outside at all, and where you are more likely to be a victim of gun violence.
In the wealthiest nation on earth, the fact that we still cannot promise a healthy start to all children is shameful. I first learned lessons about race and health as a little girl growing up in the segregated Bennettsville, S.C. I remember when little Johnny Harrington, who lived three houses down from my church parsonage, stepped on and died from a nail because his grandmother did not have a doctor to advise her or any money to pay for health care.
I also remember the migrant family who collided with a truck on the highway near my home, and the ambulance driver who refused to take them to the hospital because they were Black. And I remember when my classmate Henry Munnerlyn broke his neck when he jumped off the bridge into the town creek because only White children were allowed in the town swimming pool. I later heard that the creek where Blacks swam and fished was the hospital sewage outlet.
Martin Luther King Jr. once said of all the forms of inequality, injustice in health care is the most shocking and inhumane. Forty years later, Black children are almost twice as likely and Latino children are almost three times as likely as White children to be uninsured. It is unacceptable that access to health care and safe, clean places to live and play are still separate and unequal for so many Americans. Hurricane Katrina ripped the blinders off many different kinds of contemporary American injustice, including health care. When people are able to survive a massive hurricane, but may not survive an asthma or panic attack in its wake because they do not have access to health and mental health care, it is a problem.
Some people may think this does not affect their family. But when the average health insurance premium for a family of four costs $11,000 a year, and when half of all bankruptcies in this country are related to healthcare costs, that is not necessarily true. Some people may think our nation just cannot afford to cover its nine million uninsured children. But the recent round of $1.9 trillion in tax cuts, when fully in effect, will give the richest one percent of all taxpayers $57 billion each year. That is more than twice as much as would be needed to provide health coverage to all nine million uninsured children for a whole year.
We also spend almost $6 billion every month on the war in Iraq. Less than four months of this spending would also pay for health coverage for every uninsured child in this country.
The fact that our nation does not yet guarantee all its children a healthy start is a problem for all of us. But it is a problem that we, as a nation, can afford to fix.
(Marian Wright Edelman is president and founder of the Children’s Defense Fund.) finalcall.com
Tuesday, November 13, 2007
MOTHERS 911 CALL ENDS IN MENTALLY DISTURBED SONS DEATH
NEW YORK (Nov. 13) -- A young man was fatally shot last night in a hail of more than a dozen bullets fired by five police officers who responded to his mother’s 911 call for help in a domestic dispute in Brooklyn, the authorities said.
According to the police, another witness described Mr. Coppin as concealing the hairbrush under his shirt, pointing it outward.A restless crowd quickly gathered and grew to as many as 150, as some neighbors shouted protests against police brutality. "You need training — this is absurd!" one woman shouted out a window to the police. Another man pressed against a yellow crime-scene tape and said: "I’m not trying to start a riot. I’m just saying it’s not right."
The site and surrounding blocks were cordoned off as dozens of police officers, detectives and community affairs officers arrived to investigate the shooting and control the crowd. Community leaders at the scene included City Councilman Albert Vann.Witnesses and the police offered different details about how the shooting occurred.
Mr. Sanchez said that just before the shooting, he went outside and saw several officers there with guns drawn. Mr. Coppin approached the window, backed away, then returned and stood on the sill, Mr. Sanchez said. When an officer told him to get down, he jumped to the ground and started to go through a gate in the fence in front of the building, Mr. Sanchez said.An officer told Mr. Coppin to put up his hands, and when he did he dropped the hairbrush and the shooting began, although one officer called out to stop the gunfire, Mr. Sanchez said.Officers started chasing Mr. Sanchez and knocked him to the ground after, he said, he protested: "Why you got to shoot him like that, for nothing?"
A similar description of the shooting was given by Precious Blood, 16, who said she heard about 10 shots fired, most if not all by one officer. Another officer called out: "Stop, stop, stop shooting — he’s down," she said, but the shooter kept firing, "like he was playing with a toy."
The law enforcement official gave a different version of the encounter, saying that Mr. Coppin charged toward the officers and refused repeated orders to stop.
The police said they were also exploring the possibility that Mr. Coppin was trying to prompt a shooting, a phenomenon that a handful of studies in recent years have shown can account for a small fraction of police shootings in some American cities. One study by researchers at Harvard Medical School in 1998, for example, looked at all officer-involved shootings in Los Angeles County in a 10-year-period — about 430 shootings in all — and found that "suicide-by-cop" incidents accounted for 11 percent of the shootings over all and 13 percent of the fatal shootings.
Mr. Coppin’s mother was at the 79th Precinct station house last night and gave a statement to the police, they said.The five officers who fired all passed Breathalyzer tests, the law enforcement officials said.
By BRUCE LAMBERT and ANAHAD O’CONNOR,
The New York Times
According to the police, another witness described Mr. Coppin as concealing the hairbrush under his shirt, pointing it outward.A restless crowd quickly gathered and grew to as many as 150, as some neighbors shouted protests against police brutality. "You need training — this is absurd!" one woman shouted out a window to the police. Another man pressed against a yellow crime-scene tape and said: "I’m not trying to start a riot. I’m just saying it’s not right."
The site and surrounding blocks were cordoned off as dozens of police officers, detectives and community affairs officers arrived to investigate the shooting and control the crowd. Community leaders at the scene included City Councilman Albert Vann.Witnesses and the police offered different details about how the shooting occurred.
Mr. Sanchez said that just before the shooting, he went outside and saw several officers there with guns drawn. Mr. Coppin approached the window, backed away, then returned and stood on the sill, Mr. Sanchez said. When an officer told him to get down, he jumped to the ground and started to go through a gate in the fence in front of the building, Mr. Sanchez said.An officer told Mr. Coppin to put up his hands, and when he did he dropped the hairbrush and the shooting began, although one officer called out to stop the gunfire, Mr. Sanchez said.Officers started chasing Mr. Sanchez and knocked him to the ground after, he said, he protested: "Why you got to shoot him like that, for nothing?"
A similar description of the shooting was given by Precious Blood, 16, who said she heard about 10 shots fired, most if not all by one officer. Another officer called out: "Stop, stop, stop shooting — he’s down," she said, but the shooter kept firing, "like he was playing with a toy."
The law enforcement official gave a different version of the encounter, saying that Mr. Coppin charged toward the officers and refused repeated orders to stop.
The police said they were also exploring the possibility that Mr. Coppin was trying to prompt a shooting, a phenomenon that a handful of studies in recent years have shown can account for a small fraction of police shootings in some American cities. One study by researchers at Harvard Medical School in 1998, for example, looked at all officer-involved shootings in Los Angeles County in a 10-year-period — about 430 shootings in all — and found that "suicide-by-cop" incidents accounted for 11 percent of the shootings over all and 13 percent of the fatal shootings.
Mr. Coppin’s mother was at the 79th Precinct station house last night and gave a statement to the police, they said.The five officers who fired all passed Breathalyzer tests, the law enforcement officials said.
By BRUCE LAMBERT and ANAHAD O’CONNOR,
The New York Times
Monday, November 12, 2007
THE IMPACT ON THE HIGH BLACK MALE PRISON POPULATION RATE
Each year, when 650,000 ex-prisoners return to communities all across the United States, many suffer from deteriorating health conditions and must confront a hostile environment where their rehabilitation will be difficult to achieve.
What’s more, the families and communities they are rejoining may have changed significantly during their absence—creating a totally new dynamic for these ex-prisoners to overcome at a time when their circumstances already make them vulnerable.
When America embarked on its aggressive campaign to “get tough on crime” by swelling the nation’s prison ranks, it’s now clear that not enough emphasis was put on creating healthy prison environments or considering the impact that incarcerating so many people would have on the families and communities that they left behind.
Needless to say, with America’s criminal justice system primed to incarcerate Black men, in particular, the impact of the mandatory sentencing and strict drug laws is being felt heavily in Black communities from coast to coast. Of the 2.1 million people incarcerated in jails and prisons in 2005, 548,300 were Black males between the ages of 20 and 39. Put another way, 4.7 percent of all Black males in the United States were incarcerated, compared to 0.7 of the White males.
The original “war on crime” back into the late 1960s centered on providing social programs to address poverty, which was widely seen as an incubator for crime. Many programs were developed that emphasized rehabilitating offenders. Twenty years later, however, the new mandate to the criminal justice system was “do something about drugs,” and that translated into the biggest increase ever in the nation’s prison population. Instead of training people for jobs, government money was spent on building more prisons.
Arrests for drug violations skyrocketed from 661,000 in 1983 to 1,126,300 in 1993. From 1980 to 1993, the percentage of White inmates rose 163 percent, while the percentage of Black inmates increased by 217 percent. And by the end of 1993, half of all federal and state prisoners were Blacks.
Perhaps the biggest victims of this policy were children—the sons and daughters of the prisoners. By 1999, there were 721,500 parents in federal and state prisons, and they were parents to1.5 million children. The social impact of so many children with parents in prison is devastating, especially in low-income communities. It fosters an environment where children don’t have role models and may fall into the same bad habits of their parents. We also must consider the psychological impact. While the father is incarcerated, children and families not only lose the financial and emotional support of the missing parent, but must deal with the stigma of having a family member in prison.
Moreover, the community receives another jolt—when the prisoner comes home. Prisons have become a nest for many infectious and chronic diseases ranging from HIV/AIDS to hepatitis to tuberculosis. In fact, the rate of confirmed AIDS cases in prisons runs five times higher than the general population. Inmates are ineligible for Medicaid when they are incarcerated, so their healthcare services are limited. When Medicaid benefits, as well as other benefits, are lost upon incarceration, there is often a lengthy lag time for reinstatement when a prisoner is released.
Generally, there are no federal or state requirements to ensure that benefits are available upon release from prison, a situation that increases homelessness and blocks access to needed health care. Unfortunately, because of lapses in record keeping neither federal nor state agencies know how many former prisoners permanently lose benefits. The federal government requires the suspension of benefits while someone is in prison, but allows a flawed process to exist for restoring those benefits. Thus, when inmates return home, they are usually in poor health—mentally and physically. Their poor health is another burden for their families, many of which don’t have health insurance; meanwhile, their community has to deal with the spread of diseases.
Clearly, the negative results from increasing the prison population has taken away any benefit that political leaders sought by supposedly taking criminals off the streets.
If America sticks with this misguided policy, there has to be significant changes made to better ensure that real rehabilitation takes place in prisons, that inmates have access to quality healthcare and that more support is available to help inmates on their reentry into their families, as well as their communities. Let’s correct bad public policy.
We have seen the impact of what more prison walls have brought us; now it’s time to invest in the health and well-being of people.
(Dr. Henrie M. Treadwell, associate director of Development at the National Center for Primary Care at Morehouse School of Medicine, is also director of Community Voices, a non-profit working to improve health services, and healthcare access, for all Americans.)
What’s more, the families and communities they are rejoining may have changed significantly during their absence—creating a totally new dynamic for these ex-prisoners to overcome at a time when their circumstances already make them vulnerable.
When America embarked on its aggressive campaign to “get tough on crime” by swelling the nation’s prison ranks, it’s now clear that not enough emphasis was put on creating healthy prison environments or considering the impact that incarcerating so many people would have on the families and communities that they left behind.
Needless to say, with America’s criminal justice system primed to incarcerate Black men, in particular, the impact of the mandatory sentencing and strict drug laws is being felt heavily in Black communities from coast to coast. Of the 2.1 million people incarcerated in jails and prisons in 2005, 548,300 were Black males between the ages of 20 and 39. Put another way, 4.7 percent of all Black males in the United States were incarcerated, compared to 0.7 of the White males.
The original “war on crime” back into the late 1960s centered on providing social programs to address poverty, which was widely seen as an incubator for crime. Many programs were developed that emphasized rehabilitating offenders. Twenty years later, however, the new mandate to the criminal justice system was “do something about drugs,” and that translated into the biggest increase ever in the nation’s prison population. Instead of training people for jobs, government money was spent on building more prisons.
Arrests for drug violations skyrocketed from 661,000 in 1983 to 1,126,300 in 1993. From 1980 to 1993, the percentage of White inmates rose 163 percent, while the percentage of Black inmates increased by 217 percent. And by the end of 1993, half of all federal and state prisoners were Blacks.
Perhaps the biggest victims of this policy were children—the sons and daughters of the prisoners. By 1999, there were 721,500 parents in federal and state prisons, and they were parents to1.5 million children. The social impact of so many children with parents in prison is devastating, especially in low-income communities. It fosters an environment where children don’t have role models and may fall into the same bad habits of their parents. We also must consider the psychological impact. While the father is incarcerated, children and families not only lose the financial and emotional support of the missing parent, but must deal with the stigma of having a family member in prison.
Moreover, the community receives another jolt—when the prisoner comes home. Prisons have become a nest for many infectious and chronic diseases ranging from HIV/AIDS to hepatitis to tuberculosis. In fact, the rate of confirmed AIDS cases in prisons runs five times higher than the general population. Inmates are ineligible for Medicaid when they are incarcerated, so their healthcare services are limited. When Medicaid benefits, as well as other benefits, are lost upon incarceration, there is often a lengthy lag time for reinstatement when a prisoner is released.
Generally, there are no federal or state requirements to ensure that benefits are available upon release from prison, a situation that increases homelessness and blocks access to needed health care. Unfortunately, because of lapses in record keeping neither federal nor state agencies know how many former prisoners permanently lose benefits. The federal government requires the suspension of benefits while someone is in prison, but allows a flawed process to exist for restoring those benefits. Thus, when inmates return home, they are usually in poor health—mentally and physically. Their poor health is another burden for their families, many of which don’t have health insurance; meanwhile, their community has to deal with the spread of diseases.
Clearly, the negative results from increasing the prison population has taken away any benefit that political leaders sought by supposedly taking criminals off the streets.
If America sticks with this misguided policy, there has to be significant changes made to better ensure that real rehabilitation takes place in prisons, that inmates have access to quality healthcare and that more support is available to help inmates on their reentry into their families, as well as their communities. Let’s correct bad public policy.
We have seen the impact of what more prison walls have brought us; now it’s time to invest in the health and well-being of people.
(Dr. Henrie M. Treadwell, associate director of Development at the National Center for Primary Care at Morehouse School of Medicine, is also director of Community Voices, a non-profit working to improve health services, and healthcare access, for all Americans.)
UNJUSTLY IMPRISONED BLACK MAN SET FREE AFTER TWO YEARS IN STATE PRISON
FORSYTH, Ga. (AP) - During more than two years in state prison, Genarlow Wilson was confident that he would find justice and be set free.
On Oct. 26, the hopes of the young man who had been sentenced to 10 years in prison for having consensual oral sex with another teenager finally became reality: The state’s highest court ruled that his sentence amounted to cruel and unusual punishment.
“I’d seen it coming,” Mr. Wilson said of his release. “But I didn’t exactly know when.”
Mr. Wilson, with his hands in his pockets, wore dark blue dress pants as he left prison. His attorney, B.J. Bernstein, said she had carried them around in the trunk of her SUV for months hoping for his release.
Mr. Wilson said he first heard about the court’s decision from another inmate who said he’d heard it on the radio. But Mr. Wilson said he didn’t want to believe it until he heard the decision himself.
His case led to widespread protests of heavy handed justice. His supporters said race was one reason he received such a severe sentence, noting that he and the girl—both black—were only two years apart.
He said he also wants to help other teens, offering this initial advice: “They should be very hesitant before they join certain crowds and make certain decisions.”
In its 4-3 decision, the Georgia Supreme Court noted that state lawmakers later scrapped the law that required a minimum 10-year prison term.
That change, the court said, represented “a seismic shift in the legislature’s view of the gravity of oral sex between two willing teenage participants.”
The justices also said Mr. Wilson’s sentence made “no measurable contribution to acceptable goals of punishment,” and his crime did not rise to the “level of adults who prey on children.”
After he was imprisoned, Mr. Wilson became the subject of prominent editorials and national news broadcasts. His sentence was denounced even by members of the jury that convicted him and the author of the 1995 law that put him in prison.
Supporters including former President Jimmy Carter said the case raised troubling questions about race and the justice system. Mr. Wilson and the girl are both black.
Mr. Wilson was convicted of aggravated child molestation following a 2003 New Year’s Eve party in a hotel room where he was videotaped having oral sex with a 15-year-old girl.
Mr. Wilson, who was 17 at the time, was acquitted of raping another 17-year-old girl at the party. The man who prosecuted Mr. Wilson, Douglas County District Attorney David McDade, said he disagreed with the decision, but he respects the court “as the final arbiter.”
Mr. Wilson’s supporters were jubilant.
“I never gave up hope in our judicial system, and I never gave up hope in all the prayers people sent out for us,” said Mr. Wilson’s mother.
Rep. John Lewis, an Atlanta Democrat, said: “Each day that this young man spent in prison was a day too long.”
The 1995 law Mr. Wilson violated was changed in 2006 to make oral sex between teens close in age a misdemeanor, similar to the law regarding teen sexual intercourse. But the state Supreme Court later upheld a lower-court ruling that said the 2006 law could not be applied retroactively.
The high court had turned down Mr. Wilson’s appeal of his conviction and sentence, but the justices agreed to hear the state’s appeal of a judge’s decision to reduce Mr. Wilson’s sentence to 12 months and free him. That judge had called the 10-year sentence a “grave miscarriage of justice.”
Mr. Wilson said he plans to return to school and sports and possibly study sociology. For now, he was looking forward to spending time with relatives.
“I feel I’ve been away from them long enough,” he said. “At times, we’ve dealt with adversity. Now my family, we finally get to deal with happiness.”
Associated Press writers Dorie Turner in Atlanta and Ben Evans in Washington contributed to this story.
Wednesday, November 7, 2007
WESTCHESTER NBPA AND YONKERS NAACP TAKE A STANCE AGAINST POLICE BRUTALITY AND MISCONDUCT
On October 6, 2007 history was made in Westchester for the fight for justice for people of Yonkers. The Yonkers chapter of the National Association of the Advancement of Colored Peopl( NAACP) and The Westchester Chapter of the National Police Association(NBPA) took a firm stance on Police Misconduct and Police Brutality.
"As the Westchester Chapter of the National Black Police Association (NBPA), we applaud the federal investigation of the Yonkers Police Department. It is no secret to the law enforcement community in Westchester County, that the attitudes and actions of some of Yonkers Police Department professionals are appalling. Look at how they have treated the citizens that they protect and serve, especially the communities of color. We all can say that these are alleged complaints. The mayor and the police commissioner seem in complete denial about these alleged complaints. This is always the case when the victims are poor white, Black, and Hispanic citizens that lack the funds, knowledge and resources to fight City Hall", said Sterling Dixson Westchester NBPA President.
The Yonkers NAACP and the National Black Police Association are recommending:
More diversity on the YPD (currently approximately 35 African Americans are in the YPD, 38 Hispanics, no African-American Lieutenants, Captains, Deputy Chiefs in a department of approximately 650) to reflect the diversity of the City.
Cameras installed in patrol cars especially in the 3rd and 4th precincts
"How many complaints are to many? I haven’t turned in complains in months because you cant rely on them to investigate. All the complaints I receive are forwarded to the Department of Justice." Said Edmonson
"Yonkers PD has 650 members and only 35 are Black and 40 are Hispanic (keeping in mind that the black population in Yonkers is 19%). At least half of the 35 are soon to retire. The last academy of police officers was completely white and the majority were children of white officers who are currently employed by the YPD. Where is community policing? Where are the young adults of color that wouldn’t want a job making good money and benefits? On the other hand, why would a young adult of color be a part of a system that they see on a day to day basis, abusing there authority and power over the powerless" Said Dixon
The situation in Yonkers is a sign of the rest of Westchester. Black police represent only 9% of the total police force of departments that have 100 or more full time employees. With over 15% of our young black males in Westchester caught in the criminal system (parole, probation, jail). It will be harder and harder to find black men to their place in the law enforcement ranks in Westchester.
"If we dont take a stance for our people the black cop will never be respected in the black communities like the white cop is respected in their own in Westchester. If we continue down this road. In the next 50 years there will be no black cop in Westchester ," said Jones
"As the Westchester Chapter of the National Black Police Association (NBPA), we applaud the federal investigation of the Yonkers Police Department. It is no secret to the law enforcement community in Westchester County, that the attitudes and actions of some of Yonkers Police Department professionals are appalling. Look at how they have treated the citizens that they protect and serve, especially the communities of color. We all can say that these are alleged complaints. The mayor and the police commissioner seem in complete denial about these alleged complaints. This is always the case when the victims are poor white, Black, and Hispanic citizens that lack the funds, knowledge and resources to fight City Hall", said Sterling Dixson Westchester NBPA President.
The Yonkers NAACP and the National Black Police Association are recommending:
More diversity on the YPD (currently approximately 35 African Americans are in the YPD, 38 Hispanics, no African-American Lieutenants, Captains, Deputy Chiefs in a department of approximately 650) to reflect the diversity of the City.
A newly created Independent Civilian Complaint Review Board or at least immediately, a police oversight committee within the City Council.
Police officers to reveal both their names and badge numbers while on duty
Cameras installed in patrol cars especially in the 3rd and 4th precincts
"The vast majority of Yonkers Police officers are professionals that put their lives on the line daily to protect the citizens of Yonkers. However, there are serious issues of abuse of authority and misconduct that need to be addressed. . The mere fact that the Justice Department has chosen to investigate serves notice that this indeed is a problem that we must face together and develop a process that will improve police professionalism," said Karen Edmonson President of the Yonkers NAACP
The police department has said that they have only 35 complaint and boasted that most of them came from people that had extensive police records.
The police department has said that they have only 35 complaint and boasted that most of them came from people that had extensive police records.
"How many complaints are to many? I haven’t turned in complains in months because you cant rely on them to investigate. All the complaints I receive are forwarded to the Department of Justice." Said Edmonson
"It is the opinion of the Westchester Chapter of the National Black Police Association, NE Region, that an "Independent Civil Complaint Review Board" (CCRB) is established as an effective mechanism to adjudicate the ongoing epidemic of Police Brutality within Westchester County." Said Westchester NBPA Second Vice President Ray Gonzalez
"Our criticism is not an attack on the YPD as a whole or the fine officers that serve and protect the Yonkers community. Instead we are demanding critical and fair accountability of the few police officers that cross the line and that the administration recognize and correct their failure to address this ongoing epidemic .As stated in previous press releases, it is no secret in the law enforcement community of Westchester that the attitudes and actions of some YPD professionals are appalling. These attitudes have been ignored for years. More often these negative attitudes are displayed in the underprivileged communities of color", said Westchester NBPA Executive Director Damon Jones
"Yonkers PD has 650 members and only 35 are Black and 40 are Hispanic (keeping in mind that the black population in Yonkers is 19%). At least half of the 35 are soon to retire. The last academy of police officers was completely white and the majority were children of white officers who are currently employed by the YPD. Where is community policing? Where are the young adults of color that wouldn’t want a job making good money and benefits? On the other hand, why would a young adult of color be a part of a system that they see on a day to day basis, abusing there authority and power over the powerless" Said Dixon
The situation in Yonkers is a sign of the rest of Westchester. Black police represent only 9% of the total police force of departments that have 100 or more full time employees. With over 15% of our young black males in Westchester caught in the criminal system (parole, probation, jail). It will be harder and harder to find black men to their place in the law enforcement ranks in Westchester.
"If we dont take a stance for our people the black cop will never be respected in the black communities like the white cop is respected in their own in Westchester. If we continue down this road. In the next 50 years there will be no black cop in Westchester ," said Jones
Friday, November 2, 2007
CORPORATE EXPLOITATIOIN OF PRISON CALLS
Ever thought about that? Many of us have heard that recording telling us the call is coming from a jail, the cost of which is $1.50 or more for the first minute or so, and that we should say “Yes” to accept the charges. Why do local calls from jails cost so much?
I thought all calls were pretty much the same. Long distance calls from prisons are expensive enough, and we know the phone carriers are ripping us off for them, but local calls? Why the exorbitant charge? That’s a rhetorical question, Brothers and Sisters—I know you know the answer.
Like other greedy, unethical, money-grubbing, corporate thieves, the phone companies that charge those outrageous rates for jail phone calls are among the list of profiteers that are steadily taking advantage of this country’s prison industrial complex by exploiting prisoners and their families.
Why do some local calls cost more than other local calls? The answer: Because the phone companies say they do.
I don’t know, but I would imagine that one of the rationales used to justify the high cost is the number of men and women who would be on the phones if the costs were normal. But, couldn’t that be solved by prison officials regulating the number of calls and the time spent on the phone by each prisoner?
This is probably a trivial point to many of you, but my reason for writing about it is to illuminate the fact that Black folks are, in many cases, allowing ourselves to be used as wealth creators for others, even to the ridiculous extent of doing stupid stuff that will land us in jail or prison. Then when we get to jail, we want to call our friends and families, at usury phone rates, to help get us out or just to “stay in touch.” Of course, that does not excuse the greed of the phone companies, and the only thing we can do about it is what Nancy Reagan said, “Just say no” to accepting the charges; but you know that’s not going to happen. We are going to continue to go to jail, and we are going to continue to accept the charges for the millions of phone calls that go out from jails and prisons everyday. Thus, a trivial thing like a phone call becomes a billion dollar advantage.
A close look at the jails will reveal that Blacks occupy the cells at a disproportionate rate.
Black people are not building jails, supplying the needs of the jails, doing the maintenance in the jails, or selling hair grease, toilet paper, T-shirts, jumpsuits, flip-flops, books, or anything else to the jails.
A multi-billion dollar industry located in our hometowns, in many cases funded by our tax dollars, and we have no economic interest in that industry. All we do is fill the cells.
Phone companies that charge $1.50 for a local call are ripping us off, but filling their coffers with the easiest money they have ever made.
No increase in their cost of goods sold, no added cost for personnel, and no additional expense for advertising and marketing; they are just sitting there raking it in, hearing cha-ching every minute of the day. Who’s the sucker in that scenario? We have given new meaning to the term, “phone home.”
It’s all about economics. The prison-jail system, both supply and demand, has grown exponentially, because of the high profit from prison-building and prisoner warehousing. We already account for the profit margins of many consumer product companies—that we do not own, spending our $800 billion willy-nilly on whatever someone else makes.
Now we are providing a huge profit margin for the prison industrial complex as we do our daily Bataan Death March into court rooms to stand in front of corrupt prosecutors and judges and be accused by “testi-lying” cops, in many cases. And the first thing we want to do when they escort us to that cell is make a phone call that cost the person on the other end an arm and a leg.
That’s stupid, as I have said before, especially if you intentionally do a crime or neglect to pay your child support or fail to show up for a court appearance for an outstanding warrant or traffic ticket. That’s stupid! It is also evil and just plain wrong if you are doing the more serious crimes like robbing, raping, assaulting, or killing. At the end of it all there will be someone, who looks nothing like you, who will profit from your stupidity and your evil deeds, while you sit in a cell and waste your life away.
When you get out of jail you look for a job, mostly from someone who does not look like you, and get frustrated because you can’t get hired. Then after so many turn-downs you decide to do something else stupid and go right back into the same system. Can’t you see the pattern here?
It is sad that Black people, especially, would subject ourselves to such a no-win situation, but we do it everyday. Even sadder is the fact that our illogical actions have a negative and exacerbating effect on our friends and families. We end up paying on both ends of the system folks.
This article started with a simple phone call, but you can see the implications of our behavior when it comes to crime and punishment—and, I might add, wealth. In a system, things work together, in conjunction with one another; everything fits together, Brothers and Sisters.
As for the money-making prison system, let’s stay out of the cells and get into sales—legal sales. In the meantime, maybe we should look into using carrier pigeons to talk to one another.
By James ClingmanNNPA Columnist
Tuesday, October 30, 2007
AMERICA SHOULD BE PROUD OF DENZEL
Denzel Washington and his family visited the troops at Brook Army Medical Center, in San Antonio,Texas (BAMC) the other day. This is where soldiers who have been evacuated from Germany come to be hospitalized in the UnitedStates. There are some buildings there called Fisher Houses .
The Fisher House is a Hotel where soldiers' families can stay for little or no charge. BAMC has quite a few of these houses on base, but as you can imagine, they are almost filled most of the time. While Denzel Washington was visiting BAMC, they gave him a tour of one of the Fisher Houses. He asked howmuch one of them would cost to build. He took his checkbook out and wrote a check for the full amount right there on the spot. The soldiers overseas were amazed to hear this story and want to get the word out to the American public, because it warmed their hearts to hear it.
Thanks Denzel
THE QUESTION IS
Why does Alec Baldwin, Madonna, Sean Penn and other Hollywood types make front page news with their anti-everything and crazy lifestyles ???
Denzel Washington who is a true family man and now shows his Patriotism doesn't even make page 3 in the Metro section of any newspaper except the Local newspaper in SanAntonio.
Monday, October 29, 2007
WELCOME TO "JENA" NEW YORK
NEW YORK (FinalCall.com) - Officials at Columbia University and the NYPD’s hate crimes unit say they are investigating the hanging of a noose on the office door of a Black female professor on Oct. 9.
The noose was found on the door of Teachers College professor Madonna Constantine who teaches a class on racial justice and has written several books on the topic, according to her online faculty biography.
The suspected hate crime comes less than two weeks after the appearance at Columbia University by Iranian President Dr. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, and the discovery afterwards of racist and Islamophobic graffiti at the same Teachers College, ranked the best graduate school education program in the nation.
Columbia University students staged a demonstration on the night of Oct. 9, chanting, “Not in my school!”
On the morning of Sept. 28, a janitor found a noose inside a locker room used by police officers at the Village of Hempstead police station in Long Island. Half of the officers serving on the Hempstead Police Department are people of color, 40 percent of which are Black, according to officials.
The New York daily Newsday recently reported that the U.S. Department of Justice and the Nassau County District Attorney’s office have created a joint task force to investigate the incident.
News reports indicate there is suspicion that the target of the noose was newly appointed deputy chief, Willie Dixon. At a press conference held on Sept. 29, Mr. Dixon, a 27-year police veteran, stated that he would not be intimidated: “The hangman’s noose is the ultimate symbol of disgust if you know American history, especially if you are Black.”
On Sept. 20, Brooklyn Councilman Charles Barron, speaking to the hundreds that had gathered at Brooklyn’s Borough Hall, opened his speech with: “Welcome to Jena, New York.”
Councilman Barron shared what happened to a young Black man in Oceanside, Long Island, who was arrested on assault charges after he was assaulted by a gang of Whites. Aloysius Staton, 24, could face up to 25 years in jail if convicted, according to Marc Claxton of 100 Blacks in Law Enforcement Who Care.
The councilman then explained that on Sept. 11, a group of White men allegedly attacked several Borough of Manhattan Community College (BMCC) Black basketball players and their coach.
“So, we don’t have to go to Jena to be brutalized,” Councilman Barron observed.
At a press conference on Sept. 19, BMCC coach Chester Mapp, 49, told reporters he had never witnessed the racism displayed as he did that day. “I’ve been all over this country playing sports, but never in my born days have I seen the kind of racism I witnessed right here in New York City,” Mr. Mapp stressed.
Several players had left practice and as they walked passed a bar, a group of White men shouted “n----rs” and “this is what slavery feels like.” According to the young Black men, someone in the crowd threw a bottle at them.
The young men say as they proceeded to their subway station they were jumped by “six” of the Whites. Marquis Scott, 18, the son of a New York City policewoman, said he was knocked to the ground and stomped. “When the police arrived they immediately handcuffed me,” Mr. Scott said. He was charged with misdemeanor assault, his attorney Benita Zelman told The Final Call.
“I am the victim and I get arrested,” Mr. Scott stated at the press conference.
Ms. Zelman explained that the initial police reports did not mention that the “n” word was used, which would make it a “bias crime.”
“It is outrageous that these young men and their coach were victims of a hate crime and the police wanted to sweep it under the rug,” commented Ms. Zelman.
Councilman Leroy Comrie (D-Queens), the deputy speaker of the council sent out a press release on Sept. 26, calling for the Manhattan District Attorney to drop the charges against Mr. Scott. In addition, he said, “As a New Yorker, I am appalled that such an attack would occur on the streets of New York City, much less on Sept. 11.”
Ms. Zelman has since informed The Final Call that the NYPD has charged the Whites with a hate crime, which is a felony. “What is outrageous is that the district attorney’s office has yet to indict them on the hate crime charge, and issue orders of protection against the White males, who also attend BMCC,” Ms. Zelman said. She added that her client, Mr. Scott, is suing the police for assault. Calls to the Manhattan district attorney’s office were not returned.
“Clearly, once again, the mindset of the NYPD is that all African American males are predisposed to be criminals,” Councilman Comrie told The Final Call.
“I think what has happened is that in New York we have had a protracted period without any really meaningful organizational push to address the issues of racism, but Jena has forced us to confront it head-on,” Mr. Claxton said.
The noose was found on the door of Teachers College professor Madonna Constantine who teaches a class on racial justice and has written several books on the topic, according to her online faculty biography.
The suspected hate crime comes less than two weeks after the appearance at Columbia University by Iranian President Dr. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, and the discovery afterwards of racist and Islamophobic graffiti at the same Teachers College, ranked the best graduate school education program in the nation.
Columbia University students staged a demonstration on the night of Oct. 9, chanting, “Not in my school!”
On the morning of Sept. 28, a janitor found a noose inside a locker room used by police officers at the Village of Hempstead police station in Long Island. Half of the officers serving on the Hempstead Police Department are people of color, 40 percent of which are Black, according to officials.
The New York daily Newsday recently reported that the U.S. Department of Justice and the Nassau County District Attorney’s office have created a joint task force to investigate the incident.
News reports indicate there is suspicion that the target of the noose was newly appointed deputy chief, Willie Dixon. At a press conference held on Sept. 29, Mr. Dixon, a 27-year police veteran, stated that he would not be intimidated: “The hangman’s noose is the ultimate symbol of disgust if you know American history, especially if you are Black.”
On Sept. 20, Brooklyn Councilman Charles Barron, speaking to the hundreds that had gathered at Brooklyn’s Borough Hall, opened his speech with: “Welcome to Jena, New York.”
Councilman Barron shared what happened to a young Black man in Oceanside, Long Island, who was arrested on assault charges after he was assaulted by a gang of Whites. Aloysius Staton, 24, could face up to 25 years in jail if convicted, according to Marc Claxton of 100 Blacks in Law Enforcement Who Care.
The councilman then explained that on Sept. 11, a group of White men allegedly attacked several Borough of Manhattan Community College (BMCC) Black basketball players and their coach.
“So, we don’t have to go to Jena to be brutalized,” Councilman Barron observed.
At a press conference on Sept. 19, BMCC coach Chester Mapp, 49, told reporters he had never witnessed the racism displayed as he did that day. “I’ve been all over this country playing sports, but never in my born days have I seen the kind of racism I witnessed right here in New York City,” Mr. Mapp stressed.
Several players had left practice and as they walked passed a bar, a group of White men shouted “n----rs” and “this is what slavery feels like.” According to the young Black men, someone in the crowd threw a bottle at them.
The young men say as they proceeded to their subway station they were jumped by “six” of the Whites. Marquis Scott, 18, the son of a New York City policewoman, said he was knocked to the ground and stomped. “When the police arrived they immediately handcuffed me,” Mr. Scott said. He was charged with misdemeanor assault, his attorney Benita Zelman told The Final Call.
“I am the victim and I get arrested,” Mr. Scott stated at the press conference.
Ms. Zelman explained that the initial police reports did not mention that the “n” word was used, which would make it a “bias crime.”
“It is outrageous that these young men and their coach were victims of a hate crime and the police wanted to sweep it under the rug,” commented Ms. Zelman.
Councilman Leroy Comrie (D-Queens), the deputy speaker of the council sent out a press release on Sept. 26, calling for the Manhattan District Attorney to drop the charges against Mr. Scott. In addition, he said, “As a New Yorker, I am appalled that such an attack would occur on the streets of New York City, much less on Sept. 11.”
Ms. Zelman has since informed The Final Call that the NYPD has charged the Whites with a hate crime, which is a felony. “What is outrageous is that the district attorney’s office has yet to indict them on the hate crime charge, and issue orders of protection against the White males, who also attend BMCC,” Ms. Zelman said. She added that her client, Mr. Scott, is suing the police for assault. Calls to the Manhattan district attorney’s office were not returned.
“Clearly, once again, the mindset of the NYPD is that all African American males are predisposed to be criminals,” Councilman Comrie told The Final Call.
“I think what has happened is that in New York we have had a protracted period without any really meaningful organizational push to address the issues of racism, but Jena has forced us to confront it head-on,” Mr. Claxton said.
By Saeed Shabazz
Sunday, October 28, 2007
WHAT IS THE MEANING OF POLICE BRUTALITY
WHAT IS THE MEANING OF POLICE BRUTALITY ?
POLICE: An organized body of people trained in the methods of law enforcement and crime prevention and detection, and authorized to maintain the peace, safety, and order of the community.
BRUTALITY: The state or quality of being ruthless, cruel, harsh, or unrelenting.
Police brutality, police misconduct and police acting as judge, jury and sometime executioner is common practice in the black community. All of these abuses are not accidents or errors or simply acts of individual malice. They flow from the policeman's role as agents of an absentee white citizentry, which owns all property in the blacck community and/or have a stake in the political and economic status quo.
With this type of attitude , black people are at a tremendous disadvantage and can never hope to receive the service and protection from the police they are rightfully due.
If we, as law enforcement professionals, are sworn to protect and serve the community, how come so many people of color do not see it this way? To our own young we are seen as enemies of the community. Why are we so disconnected from the community? As Black Men ans Women in the position of power we have a duty to return to the community to reach and teach the young. If we do not respect our own, why would you think that law enforcement professionals of other races would respect them?
"We are going to elevate the black policeman in black community to the same image-status enjoyed by white policeman in the white community"
Afro-American Patrolmans League
No matter how you my think, "Self Preservation Is The First Law Of Nature". For those who say they are doing something, then show me. The African proverb says "you can judge the tree by the fruit it bares". With more black men in jail than in college and the the NY State recidivism rate at over 60% in our local and state facilities and with black children graduating without basic reading, writing and math skills, our tree is sick.
"We will no longer permit ourselves to be relegated to the role of brutal pawns in a chess game affecting the communities in which we serve. We are mothers,fathers,husbands,wives,brothers,sisters,neighbors, and members in the black community. Donning the blue uniform has not changed this. On the contrary, it has sharpened our perception of our responsibilities as black men and women in a society seemingly unresponsive to the needs of black people. We see our role as a protector of this community and that is the role we ented to fill"
Afro-American Patrolmans League
As Black Law Enforcement Professionals we know first hand that the legal system is against the poor of all races especially the people of color. We boast about our positions in public, however, we take a stance of fear at work and fail to challenge the status quo. Some feel that they are separate when they are promoted – that they have arrived. They don't need any association with the common body. This is not true brother/sister law enforcement professionals. If they didn't respect you from the beginning, you are really their Negro now - their little back flunky. Make no mistake they fear the ones with unity. They will not admit it to you but they fear organized thought that creates movement and motion. It has been the fear of this country organized black people in motion.
"Moreover, it should be stated here,that many black police are against the system and have been for many years. However, they know if they would have spoken out against it, they would be subjected to unbearible pressure and even might suffer loss of their job. Black police are at a disadvantage in numbers and political backing; therefore, they are afraid to challenge the police structure."
Afro-American Patrolmans League
ORGANIZATION: Something made up of elements with varied functions that contribute to the whole and to collective functions
Black police properly organized could lead the strongest most effective movement for change, while still being considered within the system.
Organized black police represent black police power and organized black police represent a real political and economical threat to the white power structure.
Black Law Enforcement Professionals organization are the key. We are the best educated and trained black men and women in the world equipped to deal with the social and economic ills of our community. We have the knowledge to create and implement programs for our community instead of allowing outsiders making their pockets fat of a grants and initiatives for our youth. We are far from the dreams of Martin Luther King, Malcolm X, W.E.B Dubious, Elijah Muhammad.
So I ask you. ?
Is it the white cop (the usual suspect) that abuses his authority and commits POLICE BRUTALITY? Or, Is it the black law enforcement professional, the one that sees the ills in the community but does not have the testicular fortitude to stand up to power and claim his community?
YOU DECIDE.
FROM THE BLACKWATCH FILES
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
